Ato Sebhat Nega’s thirty minutes interview (June 9 and 10) with Adissu Abebe of VOA Amharic was much informative than the recent one we heard on Hagerfiker radio and the paltalk room. The questions were short followed by short answers on many categories and the follow up questions also helped us to learn from the interview. Sebhat Nega and his multimillionaire Woyane clique were trying their best to build “capitalism” on backward Ethiopia.

When capitalism fully developed under the leadership of TPLF/EPRDF Sebhat said, movements of capital and people will unite the Ethiopian people who have not known each other for more than hundred years. “We never knew each other before and we were just ruled by guns and tanks” in backward Ethiopia.

Thanks to the TPLF he said, we do not have angry people but only angry individuals. To support his thesis of angry people he never believed that TPLF was formed by few “angry” individuals. Sebhat said, TPLF/Woyane was a result of angry people and people rebellion but the truth of the matter is Tigray was relatively peaceful province under Emperor Haile Selasse and even under Mengistu’s Derg except its last year.

During the “Edeget Behibret” campaign by high school students and universities at the early years of Derg thousands of students went to Tigray and all provinces of Ethiopia to educate and learn from the masses. By the way some learned the language of the people too and the talk of we do not know each other is just nonsense. Except few places like Badme which was my campaign post later on closed because of security reason there are many who participated on that program and got a life
time experience.

Under feudal Ethiopia many nationalities immigrated to cities like Addis Ababa, Asmara, Harar etc looking for better life and that is why we have large Tigray and other nationalities lived mixed up with others far from their birth places. According to Sebhat Nega these people did not know each other, what a joke !!!

Sure Capitalism bring investment on regions expecting good return on the way bringing mobility of people. Had it not Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia was not beaten by our gallant fighters more than seven decades ago we might end up being a “developed country” like Eritrea, a former colony of Italy. Many Eritreans believed that federation with backward Ethiopia in the 1960s was not to their advantage.

Most Eritreans are still proud of their “developed” Eritrea and after their Independence in the 1991,however, the Eriteran elites flocked to backward Ethiopia for a joint “development” with TPLF. The main cause for the split of Shabia and TPLF in the late 1980s was pure greed fighting for the loot.

Sebhat Nega on the paltalk was accusing Isaias’ Shabia for starting the Badme war after TPLF refused to “develop” Ethiopia jointly with Shabia. The same TPLF who said no to Isaias is now giving our fertile land and water to foreign investors. In case of our Western boundary outright sell of huge land and water more than 30,000 sq km to Sudan has generated huge cash flows to TPLF’s Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) which is under control of few TPLF leaders
including Sebhat Nega.

Sebhat Nega who failed to tell us EFFORT’s present capital on the VOA Amharic interview confirmed to the wider audience back home that it is the number one investor in Ethiopia, hardly a secret. EFFORT is “legally” a “Tigrean Region Investment” that operates in other regions of Ethiopia also to bring accelerated capitalism to allow the middle and the bourgeois class to emerge eventually to take power from TPLF/EPRDF.

The TPLF elites rush to educate their region at full speed is most likely to bring those who will take power after EPRDF is “gone”, “Setefa” according to Sebhat Nega. Sebhat Nega knows very well that power in capitalism comes through education and money. The TPLF aged warlords believe that Ethiopia’s future is depending on this new to come middle and bourgeois class.

The road to “capitalism” is now clear and many Tigrean elites are fully controlling the source of the capital. The TPLF ’s military job is to make sure that we have only angry individuals but not angry people. The TPLF generals are now the richest people who are paid to defend TPLF from any challenge. “Holy Capitalism “, uncontested under the leadership of TPLF’s EFFORT for extraordinary growth that will make Ethiopia an Africa China.

The problem here is China do not have many angry people like Ethiopia who are battling the regime daily. The Oromos, Somalis and the Ethiopian nationalists have been battling this regime for the last decade. This is not news for the Chinese because they have been a victim of such war in Ethiopia’s Ogaden few years ago working to develop the gas and oil potential of the region jointly with TPLF.

The idea of building capitalism in war torn Ethiopia is impossible. Capitalism and democracy are inseparable too and country like China mostly homogeneous can develop but ethnically diverse Ethiopia’s road to capitalism under few Tigrayan elites will fail because it is unaccountable Mafia Economy.

Dear Fellow Ethiopian,

I want to address those Ethiopians who are Tigrayans, especially focusing on those who are benefiting from this regime at the expense of the majority of other Ethiopians.

I am accountable for the following words that I will be saying to you. With that in mind, I am not speaking as an expert or as someone who is perfect because I am neither, but I am doing this because I care about you and you need to hear the truth, at least, as I see it. Take what you agree with from this message and discard the rest. I am hoping you will find something of benefit to you.

I am opening this delicate subject up for discussion and I hope more people will join me in looking for ways to strengthen our broken relation and Ethiopia. I will be frank and straight-forward, speaking to you in love and in hope that all of us can benefit from speaking honestly and directly with each other. Let me start with “the elephant in the room!”

Anyone who says that Tigrayans, not all, but many, have not benefited under Meles, are lying to themselves. We all know that the key positions in the government, in the military, in the economy, in the judicial system, on the national election board, in banking and finance, in education and in any other sector of society are mostly held by Tigrayans who are loyal to Meles. For the most part, those from other ethnic groups are given certain positions by the TPLF only to fool the outsiders so they can look better.

We also know that there has been more development, services and opportunity of every kind in the Tigrayan region and available to persons of Tigrayan ethnicity than in any other region or to any other group of Ethiopians. There is no debate about this being true. Even when I was attempting to start the Gambella Development Agency in 2002, Ethiopian government officials at the Minster of Justice office tried hard to convince me to go to the Tigray region instead of Gambella. This kind of preference has been going on at a large-scale level over the last 18 years of TPLF rule.

In reality, there are only two branches of government in Ethiopia, one that runs everything—the TPLF—which is mainly dominated by Tigrayans, and the other—the EPRDF—which has more diversity, but only pretends to run everything. The public knows this very well, but people avoid talking about it. This preferential treatment is not only unacceptable and wrong, it is immoral. It is a model of government that is built on greed, self-interest, pride, corruption, oppression and lack of empathy for others. It has been doomed to failure from the beginning as were other preceding regimes who were built on the same shaky foundation. We have created a cycle of destruction and deception for ourselves that should be discarded if we do not want to keep repeating our mistakes and perpetuating our suffering.

The purpose of this letter is to ask Tigrayans, the TPLF and also Woyane to join with your fellow Ethiopians in ending this system that perpetuates the destruction of one another. Our society greatly needs reconciliation in order to accomplish this great task. Our Tigrayan brothers and sisters have an opportunity to come together at a strategic moment in our history that could dramatically change our shared future. “Tyranny” and “Injustice” are always thirsty for new victims and perpetrators.

If we are to break out of this cycle, we need Tigrayans to rise up out of their silence, something that will make a bridge of reconciliation between yourselves and other Ethiopians in this very divided nation. This is also for your own protection because somehow, we must heal the animosities that have built up over these past years so when this regime collapses, our future together in Ethiopia is secure and harmonious. In doing so, you are preparing the way for a better future for your children and grandchildren.

Together, we can make this crucial transition from a government built on tyranny and ethnic domination of one group to a government built on God-given principles of “humanity before ethnicity” and the promotion of truth, freedom, justice, the respect of human rights, civility and equal opportunity for all Ethiopians for “no one will be free until all are free.” In such an Ethiopia, you will be at home; but do not wait until this TPLF government collapses to claim these principles for yourselves or it may be too late. Instead, I am hoping that you will be part of the solution in bringing about a New Ethiopia right now. Let us start by looking at our history of consecutive “one village rule” regimes and where it has gotten us.

The “One Village Rule All” System:

We Ethiopians are caught up in a cycle of replacing one ineffective and abusive government of a “village group”, (meaning our ethnically-based political groups like the TPLF) with another that duplicates the actions of the last, with the same predictable results. Each new group rises up out of oppression, but fails to learn the lessons of its own past. Instead the new group greedily seizes the new found power, becoming the next “village” opportunist and oppressor, brutally lashing out in pent-up anger and repression against their “previous oppressors” and “new opponents.” Suppression begins against any competing groups vying for power, including those wanting “a legitimate voice in their own regional affairs.” Eventually, the cycle will be repeated with new victims and perpetrators. Let’s look at the stages we have been going through as a country:

Stage One: “Village groups” suffer at the hands of the government, giving rise to rebellions and insurgency groups. Individual groups—“villages”—experience repression, marginalization, exploitation and human rights abuses. Because legitimate ways to voice grievances are denied and because complainants are punished, “village groups” form separatist groups or liberation groups to protect the lives, the rights and the livelihoods of threatened families, communities, ethnicities and regions.

Stage Two: “Village” insurgency groups work alone or join temporarily with other “villages” to overthrow the government, but still pursue their own “village” goals, causing power struggles from within until one emerges as the new “village ruler” of Ethiopia and excludes all the others from the perks of the struggle, such as happened with the TPLF becoming the EPRDF. As soon as the EPRDF gained power, the old “village group” of the TPLF re-emerged to take charge and the EPRDF became its cover name.

Stage Three: “One Village” group rules over everyone else, making the rules, always in their own favor, while pretending to be inclusive of all groups outwardly. Two layers work in synchrony: 1) the public face of the EPRDF in the international community, and 2) the private face of TPLF as controlling everything as the reality lived out by the Ethiopian people. A layer of inclusion on the exterior hides the non-spoken truth, which is that one small elitist group controls and monopolizes every sector of society. Competitors are left out of important government positions.

They fail to get the jobs, bids or opportunities within the “system,” all of which is carefully controlled to reward and punish. More outspoken critics are threatened, harassed, beaten, imprisoned or killed. The justice system and election process cannot be separated from the control of the “one-village rule.”

Stage Four: Anger, resentment, bitterness and rebellion increase and begin to give rise to challenges by others, leading to government crack- downs and counter-insurgency attacks against rebel groups. Those benefiting from the government become increasingly fearful of retribution should the government fall so even if they disapprove of government actions, they continue to do their best to maintain the status quo.

Stage Five: The regime is finally overthrown; vengeance is taken and another “village” government sets itself up to do the same. Now we are back to stage one which starts all over again. It is a given, that there will never be a turn for any minority group, who continue to be oppressed, exploited and marginalized, regardless of who is in charge.

We Ethiopians have to transition to a different system—one where “many villages” exercise representative rule over a “country of many hundreds of villages” rather than one where a single “village” takes complete ownership of a nation and then uses its power to crush opposition and exploit everyone else.

Some False Justifications Used to Perpetuate TPLF Ethnic-Based Domination

Justification for TPLF ethnic domination can be traced to flawed excuses and fear-mongering tactics. Some are:

1) We suffered past grievances from others and now it is “our ‘ethnic’ turn to eat.” Those who oppressed us deserve to “finally get what they deserve.”

2) Other Ethiopians are: a) “less golden than are we,” b) “they are not ‘true’ Ethiopians” and; therefore, c) they are not “as worthy” as are we.

3) Other Ethiopians would have done the same to us if they “had won” over the Derg; therefore, we deserve what we have gotten since we are “more clever,” “better fighters” and have worked harder for it.

4) If we do not hold on tightly to our control, someone else will simply come in and do the same, punishing us as an ethnic group; therefore, it is disloyal and damaging to our shared ethnic future to speak out against what some of us are doing—no matter what! If you do not agree, maintain your silence or you will be punished.

5) As long as we stay in control, you need not fear accountability for what we or what you have done. If you have not done anything, you still will be punished by others for your ethnicity so remain silent.

6) Do not worry about accountability before God because we are in control of the religious leaders who will not confront your conscience with the truth. You can still “practice your religion” anyway, as long as you stay away from acting on moral convictions.

7) If you do not support the TPLF, you will be a victim of genocide—there is no other outcome for us all if we lose our hold on this country. Hold on to us for your survival.

I want to tell you, particularly addressing the last point, that violence is a real possibility, but that possibility is greater reduced if we join together and if you do your part (Dersha) in bringing about a more just, reconciled and harmonious society. I am very worried about violence, chaos and killing and am trying to find a way to avoid such a disaster in Ethiopia that would bring shame and sustained injury to all of us. This does not mean that some perpetrators will not face justice, but the truth is, we Ethiopians must find ways to restore a sense of humanity to this country if we are to have any future for ourselves and for our children.

Facing the Truth: TPLF Domination Exists All Over Ethiopia

As you may already know, some research done by Ginbot 7 uncovered the fact that most every key position in the military is held by a person of Tigrayan ethnicity. As you can imagine, the extent of this cronyism has incensed many Ethiopians; something that other justice-loving people will also disdain. Can you imagine if Obama, after being inaugurated, would have removed all non-black people from key government positions and replaced them with only African Americans? What would American citizens, those who elected him and others in the world think of this?

This topic can no longer be avoided and must be confronted because if it is not, it might reach a boiling point and the consequences will be unbearable. Preventing such a catastrophe from happening is something that I and others in the Solidarity Movement are strongly pursuing because we are so fearful that if we do not deal with this now, it may be too late. However, those in the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, cannot do it alone. We must work together to change this now, especially re-emphasizing that when we talk about Tigrayans, we must be reminded that it is not all Tigrayans who are benefiting from this Tigrayan-controlled government.

We also know there are countless numbers of Tigrayans who are extremely opposed to this regime and that they have suffered greatly for being lumped together with Meles; however, I strongly encourage those Tigrayans who have been silent on this issue, to come forward in large numbers and speak out about this wrong. We recognize that there is fear and risk in doing so, but if Tigrayans do not speak out, people will assume that things must be good for them and that they want Meles to stay in power. I know some Tigrayan brothers and sisters who are anti-Meles, but are not “anti” the TPLF system or “one-tribe domination.” Do not fool yourselves, for this entire system in Ethiopia is built on a model of exploiting others. This is why it is so important for our Tigrayan brothers and sisters to speak out.

For example, last week when I was speaking in Dallas at a meeting at a hotel in that city, another meeting was being held in the room next to us by the Tigrayan Development Association in celebration of the May 20, 1991 overthrow of the Derg. They showed a video of that victory and of the development that has been achieved since they came into power. In the next room where I was meeting with other Ethiopians, I was showing the video of the genocide of the Anuak and of the destruction of the infrastructure in Gambella by the same Meles regime that had conversely, brought development to Mekelle and destruction to Gambella.

As those in the Tigrayan Development Association were celebrating their “freedom” from the Derg, we were talking about the incarceration of Birtukan, Teddy Afro, Bashir Makhtal and thousands of other political prisoners, about the suppression of every basic right and about the massive human rights violations being committed by this regime against other Ethiopians. These are two totally different realities occurring in the same country, both true.

This is only one example. A few days prior to this meeting, I was in Ottawa and the same thing was happening. The TPLF group in Ottawa and other TPLF throughout the world were also celebrating their liberation from the brutal government of Mengistu while at the present time, other Ethiopians were protesting and grieving for the millions of their fellow Ethiopians who were suffering and dying at the hands of the brutal TPLF. What are they celebrating? How can they celebrate under these conditions?

Let me make it very clear. I am not suggesting that Tigrayans should be pushed aside, discriminated against or marginalized because that would be a violation of everything I believe in. Instead, I am calling on Tigrayans themselves to wake up and regain their sense of their own shared humanity with other Ethiopians. They can do this by helping to bring genuine justice to all of Ethiopia instead of selfishly celebrating when others are crying.

Together we must stop this cycle of oppression that constantly reshuffles victims into perpetrators and perpetrators into victims. The last thing I want is for someone else to experience a December 13, 2003. I am saying this out of truth and love for it cannot be ignored. Right now, Tigrayans are in a position to help remedy the mistakes made over the last 18 years, but if they fail to help, they could become the next victims.

If you are someone blindfolded by ego, power, money or pressure, open your eyes to the truth. Put yourselves in the shoes of your suffering fellow Ethiopians and take the initiative to stop this holocaust of the people by standing up for justice, freedom and moral right. Speak out against the “village thinking” that has incensed and alienated the public from you. Stop supporting a government system that can only survive off the pain, oppression and suppression of the majority of its people.

If you are only maintaining your silence for fear of what might happen to you should this regime fall, you need to be reminded that a partnership with a criminal regime that commits genocide and robs the majority of people from life, property and liberty, is one that is morally wrong and you should come out and separate yourselves from it. The evil they are perpetrating every minute of the day, all over Ethiopia, to millions of people, will continue unless good people stand up against it. Resentment is only building as Meles cracks down on anyone outside of his own “village,” “tribe,” or “region.”

A Call to Action: Stopping the Cycle of Destruction and Deception

You should no longer be part of this dying regime, which is in its final days. You can see the evidence that Meles and his clique feel vulnerable and weakened as they strike out in every direction in an increasingly frequent display of paranoia and desperation. I say this, hoping to protect our Tigrayan brothers and sisters from some of the worst consequences following years of oppressive “village rule,” once “Meles’ village” loses power. Remember how you felt after the oppression you experienced at the hands of Mengistu and his clique?

If we are not going to fall into mass vengeance, stemming from the anger and bitterness built up over the years, Tigrayans must initiate strong action to prevent it by becoming part of the solution. Please consider this! It will take facing the truth, facing one’s conscience and the finding the moral courage to clearly stop any suggestion of complicity, including support of this brutally exploitive system given through your silence. I am asking you to start challenging this system that was put into place in your ethnic name, but is devastating your fellow Ethiopian brothers and sisters. You will not escape easily unless we all work together for what is right and good.

Right now most of the Tigrayans are grabbing the tail of the tiger, not wanting to let go; fearing that the tiger will bite you; but the hand of most Tigrayans who are supporting the TPLF must be getting tired. There will be a day when you will become so exhausted, that you will lose your grip. Then what? You need a new strategy and to come back to your family. I know there are many Tigrayans who value the principles of the Solidarity Movement. Many of you have told me this yourselves.

I want these Tigrayans to know my hand, the hand of those in the Solidarity Movement and the hands of countless other Ethiopians are reaching out to you. Please start reaching back because the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia was created for all Ethiopians, including you. There will be a day when the TPLF will finally collapse. Before that happens, we want you to become free of the threat of this wild tiger’s anger by reconciling with your brothers and sisters in your family of Ethiopia.

Stop your secret meetings, sponsored by the TPLF, that have been taking place throughout the world. Instead, start private discussions among other Tigrayans and non-Tigrayans about how to help cage the tiger by working together with others. This is the way to start—from behind the scenes, eventually joining us in the open places throughout the world, including Meskel Square in Addis Ababa! What a day of genuine celebration that will be!

I also call on other Ethiopians to reach out to embrace your fellow Ethiopians of Tigrayan ethnicity, so they might be further encouraged by your acceptance and partnership. Taking such a stand for them is not easy and each of us should help them feel safe enough to make such a break. Ethiopians of other backgrounds have been guilty of pushing them away.

I have spoken with many Tigrayans who have told sad accounts of trying to join with other Ethiopians in opposition to Meles, but have been given the cold shoulder, finally returning to their own ethnic groups as a result. Reaching back to those who are reaching out will make the table of tyranny on which Meles and the TPLF are standing, collapse. This will prepare the way for a peaceful transition to a New Ethiopia where no one is fearful of others.

In summary, why should a 3000-year old country of 80 million people, who stood up against colonialism, now disintegrate? It is not too late to fix this broken society and broken country so that it can re-emerge stronger.

Society is supposed to be like a human body, where the body functions well when all the parts are working. We need every part, for without each part, how do we come back to health? God will help us if we trust in Him fully. Come back to God’s principles—fearing Him and loving one another. Let us put our humanity before our ethnicity and we may find a real homeland where all are free.

I hope the following verses from II Corinthians 7: 8-11 written by the Apostle Paul will be true of your response to my letter:

“Even if I caused you sorrow by my letter, I do not regret it. Though I did regret it—I see that my letter hurt you, but only for a little while—yet now I am happy, not because you were made sorry, but because your sorrow led you to repentance. For you became sorrowful as God intended and so were not harmed in any way by us. Godly sorrow brings repentance that leads to salvation and leaves no regret, but worldly sorrow brings death. See what this godly sorrow has produced in you: what earnestness, what eagerness to clear yourselves, what indignation, what alarm, what longing, what concern, what readiness to see justice done.”

May it be the same for each of you!

Your brother,

Obang Metho,
Executive Director Of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia
E-mail: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

Both are at same age. Both had noble professions. Both are courageous. Both are not afraid to tell the truth. Both are standing against a regime that is tyrannical, deceptive and hateful. Both are women. Both represent, in their own way, the best of this new generation. Both have a baby child. Both lived at the same place at one time, Kaliti prison.

I am talking about Birtukan Mideksa and Serkalem Fassil. I would like to use this opportunity to salute these two sisters of ours, for their courage and for what they have done for the cause of freedom and well-being of Ethiopia.

Birtukan Mideksa was arrested four years ago, on phony charges, and sentenced to life imprisonment in the notorious, full of big rats Kaliti prison. At that time Birtukan Mideksa’s daughter Hale was a 7 months old baby.

Serkalem Fassil, jailed at the same prison with Birtukan Mideksa, was pregnant. Recalling her pain in Kaliti prison, and in her letter that was read at the Global Forum of Freedom Expression forum, Serkalem characterized the regime as immoral. “As my pregnancy progresses, I slept many sleepless and tearful nights. Prison officials were so sadistically content with my pain. The sleeping arrangement was my longest nightmare of the prison experience. It symbolizes the moral bankruptcy of the Tyrants. It was tantamount to a long and deliberate torture.” she wrote.

Birtukan Mideksa is arrested for a second time and placed in solitary confinement for more than hundred and sixty three days now, a punishment even rapists and serial killers have not had. Her apparent crime, as Newsweek Tepperman explained it, is to “organizing a democratic challenge to the increasingly iron-fisted rule of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.”.

Serkalem Fassil has been denied – for the third time – a visa to travel to Europe and attend the Global Forum of Freedom Expression. She was denied to publish a newspaper and exercise her constitutional right.

On December 28th 2008, 10 armed soldiers jumped out from their four heavily armed vehicles to detain just one woman, Birtukan Mideksa. When Serkalem Fassil was sent at the police hospital to deliver her baby, four heavily armed strong soldiers were guarding her. Ten strong men for one woman and four strong men for another!!!!!

By arresting Birtukan Mideksa, the regime has made itself more isolated. More and more of its officials are embarrassed on the international scene and Birtukan Mideksa is gaining national and international status. She is mobilizing people from within her cell. She has become the symbol of resistance and justice. She is winning by loosing.

By denying exit VISA to Serkalem Fassil, the regime again has exposed itself. It has shown that it is weak, lacking confidence, immoral and in deep trouble. In the Global Forum of Freedom Expression annual meeting, the chair assigned to Serkalem Fassil was empty. However her name was displayed in big. The Empty chair has sent a very powerful message, perhaps even more if Serkalem Fassil would have attended physically the meeting.

By arresting Birtukan Mideksa and denying the constitutional rights of Serkalem Fassil, the regime has benefited nothing. To the contrary it is damaged itself internationally and showed to the world its barbarism, brutalities and IMMORALITIES.

Ethiopia is lucky to have braves, like Birtukan Mideksa and Serkalem Fassil, women of actions, who love their country and are visionaries. “Because we have seen twenty three African countries conform into democracies, we know Ethiopia can there” said Serkalem Fassil believing in the power of the people.

“The Sun has risen to Ethiopia. Darkness is no more.” Once, said Birtukan Mideksa. “Where is the sun, where is the light?” some may ask. However, Birtukan have seen the light because she put on new glasses on her eyes, that helped her see the strong desire, and thirst of democracy that is actively burning within the mind and heart of millions of Ethiopians.

Agents of darkness have been trying to extinguish the emerging flame. They have been desperately going over the edges to preserve the status quo and make sure we stay in darkness. Their evil actions against Serkalem and Birtukan are parts of these activities. However, they are failing. Their ENDS of have begun. With a little nudge from the people, the era of dictatorship and tyranny can surely be over.

It is therefore time for the rest of us, who have been basically silent, to come out from our closets and join the struggle for real and create the little nudge that is necessary to bring visible results. This is not a game; this is a serious matter that concerns the destiny of 80 millions people.

As Carmen de Monteflores said “Oppression can only survive through silence”. Therefore should we continue to give only leap services in view of the suffering of our country, should we fail to seriously contribute our share to the struggle of democracy and justice, Should we be selfish and engaged only in personal matters, we can consider ourselves as dead people. “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter” said Dr Martin Luther King.

Birtukan Mideksa and Serkalem Fassil, without firing bullets have been able to shake up tyrants in their own way. Had we all become more like them, our country would not have been where it is now. If we follow the footsteps of these women, if we start believing in ourselves, if we do not allow ourselves taken away by the talk of despair and hopelessness, if we stop saying “It is impossible” and be filled with “the I can do attitude”, we will surely prevail. Black Americans did it. South Africans did it. Indians did. Why shouldn’t we do it as well! Are we not human beings like them?

As Serkalem Fassil said “Ethiopia shall be free from Tyranny”. Behold, in front of us, the new era and the new beginning of peace, democracy, prosperity and national Unity ! Let us all stand up and march towards the noisy Jordan River and cross it together once and for all, as one PEOPLE. Let us inherit the promise land!

Both are at same age. Both had noble professions. Both are courageous. Both are not afraid to tell the truth. Both are standing against a regime that is tyrannical, deceptive and hateful. Both are women. Both represent, in their own way, the best of this new generation. Both have a baby child. Both lived at the same place at one time, Kaliti prison.

I am talking about Birtukan Mideksa and Serkalem Fassil. I would like to use this opportunity to salute these two sisters of ours, for their courage and for what they have done for the cause of freedom and well-being of Ethiopia.

Birtukan Mideksa was arrested four years ago, on phony charges, and sentenced to life imprisonment in the notorious, full of big rats Kaliti prison. At that time Birtukan Mideksa’s daughter Hale was a 7 months old baby.

Serkalem Fassil, jailed at the same prison with Birtukan Mideksa, was pregnant. Recalling her pain in Kaliti prison, and in her letter that was read at the Global Forum of Freedom Expression forum, Serkalem characterized the regime as immoral. “As my pregnancy progresses, I slept many sleepless and tearful nights. Prison officials were so sadistically content with my pain. The sleeping arrangement was my longest nightmare of the prison experience. It symbolizes the moral bankruptcy of the Tyrants. It was tantamount to a long and deliberate torture.” she wrote.

Birtukan Mideksa is arrested for a second time and placed in solitary confinement for more than hundred and sixty three days now, a punishment even rapists and serial killers have not had. Her apparent crime, as Newsweek Tepperman explained it, is to “organizing a democratic challenge to the increasingly iron-fisted rule of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.”.

Serkalem Fassil has been denied – for the third time – a visa to travel to Europe and attend the Global Forum of Freedom Expression. She was denied to publish a newspaper and exercise her constitutional right.

On December 28th 2008, 10 armed soldiers jumped out from their four heavily armed vehicles to detain just one woman, Birtukan Mideksa. When Serkalem Fassil was sent at the police hospital to deliver her baby, four heavily armed strong soldiers were guarding her. Ten strong men for one woman and four strong men for another!!!!!

By arresting Birtukan Mideksa, the regime has made itself more isolated. More and more of its officials are embarrassed on the international scene and Birtukan Mideksa is gaining national and international status. She is mobilizing people from within her cell. She has become the symbol of resistance and justice. She is winning by loosing.

By denying exit VISA to Serkalem Fassil, the regime again has exposed itself. It has shown that it is weak, lacking confidence, immoral and in deep trouble. In the Global Forum of Freedom Expression annual meeting, the chair assigned to Serkalem Fassil was empty. However her name was displayed in big. The Empty chair has sent a very powerful message, perhaps even more if Serkalem Fassil would have attended physically the meeting.

By arresting Birtukan Mideksa and denying the constitutional rights of Serkalem Fassil, the regime has benefited nothing. To the contrary it is damaged itself internationally and showed to the world its barbarism, brutalities and IMMORALITIES.

Ethiopia is lucky to have braves, like Birtukan Mideksa and Serkalem Fassil, women of actions, who love their country and are visionaries. “Because we have seen twenty three African countries conform into democracies, we know Ethiopia can there” said Serkalem Fassil believing in the power of the people.

“The Sun has risen to Ethiopia. Darkness is no more.” Once, said Birtukan Mideksa. “Where is the sun, where is the light?” some may ask. However, Birtukan have seen the light because she put on new glasses on her eyes, that helped her see the strong desire, and thirst of democracy that is actively burning within the mind and heart of millions of Ethiopians.

Agents of darkness have been trying to extinguish the emerging flame. They have been desperately going over the edges to preserve the status quo and make sure we stay in darkness. Their evil actions against Serkalem and Birtukan are parts of these activities. However, they are failing. Their ENDS of have begun. With a little nudge from the people, the era of dictatorship and tyranny can surely be over.

It is therefore time for the rest of us, who have been basically silent, to come out from our closets and join the struggle for real and create the little nudge that is necessary to bring visible results. This is not a game; this is a serious matter that concerns the destiny of 80 millions people.

As Carmen de Monteflores said “Oppression can only survive through silence”. Therefore should we continue to give only leap services in view of the suffering of our country, should we fail to seriously contribute our share to the struggle of democracy and justice, Should we be selfish and engaged only in personal matters, we can consider ourselves as dead people. “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter” said Dr Martin Luther King.

Birtukan Mideksa and Serkalem Fassil, without firing bullets have been able to shake up tyrants in their own way. Had we all become more like them, our country would not have been where it is now. If we follow the footsteps of these women, if we start believing in ourselves, if we do not allow ourselves taken away by the talk of despair and hopelessness, if we stop saying “It is impossible” and be filled with “the I can do attitude”, we will surely prevail. Black Americans did it. South Africans did it. Indians did. Why shouldn’t we do it as well! Are we not human beings like them?

As Serkalem Fassil said “Ethiopia shall be free from Tyranny”. Behold, in front of us, the new era and the new beginning of peace, democracy, prosperity and national Unity ! Let us all stand up and march towards the noisy Jordan River and cross it together once and for all, as one PEOPLE. Let us inherit the promise land!

“People get leaders they deserve” so the saying goes.

Often, I have wallowed in despair wondering why is it that my land is so barren? How is it I have asked myself, that some nations are blessed with a multitude of visionary leaders that have no equal? By what justification did the creator bless the USA with people like Washington, Jefferson, Adams, Ben Franklin, Hamilton, all together in that one narrow strip of time? And what did the Indians do to deserve Gandhi? Surely for every one of their Taj Mahals, we can produce ten Lalibelas! And shouldn’t Mandela have come from the “origin of mankind” rather than from some godforsaken dusty hill in Transkei? And if it can be said that war made Churchill, isn’t our land soaked with enough blood to paint the universe red? Aren’t we the people whose meadows are watered by Gihon, the river that once flowed through the Garden of Eden? Didn’t our ancestors walk the sands of holy land alongside the Messiah? And who but us can claim to be God’s favorites? The chosen among the chosen, keepers of the ark of his covenant! Wasn’t Ashma ibn Abjar (Al –Negasi) of Axum the King who gave refuge to the people of the Faith, a “Most just King” long before Saladin and Lincoln cut their path? So I ask, WHERE IS MY OBAMA?

In my desperate search for an answer I came across this delightful story. A respected and revered man of the cloth found himself in the hapless situation of having to fight for his life in the middle of a river. Apparently the boat that he was traveling in had succumbed to strong currents and sank. The man unflustered, placed all his trust in his maker and started praying to his God of countless miracles to save him. A struggling fellow swam by and offered to help. He shouted “Father hold onto my shirt, I will try to get us ashore.” Sensing how tired the man might be the priest wasn’t too sure if he should oblige him. So he said “My son. I worship the mightiest of the mighties. He will save me. You try to save yourself go, now go!” Few minutes later a raft overloaded with desperate souls passed by and offered to pick him up. But the priest seeing how dire the situation is for the people on the raft, replied, “No, thank you my children. Go and save yourselves. I have my Lord who has yet to fail me. Fear not, he will get me through this”.

Unfortunately his luck didn’t hold out for long. The priest drowned and died. He arrived at the gates of heaven angry, feeling terribly aggrieved and betrayed. “How in hell oops..How in heaven can this happen?” he kept on muttering, “ I am the Priest, the next Archbishop, and God’s right hand man. How can he let me die such a terrible death? Why didn’t he save me?” That day it was Jesus’ turn to greet the newcomers and was at the gate congratulating his flock as they came in. The priest upon reaching the gate confronted Jesus. Why did you forsake me? I prayed and prayed.. and you did not bother to answer my prayers. I served you all my life and is this what I deserve? WHY didn’t you save me?” Jesus gave him that long hard stare that surely must have said, “Did I even create this idiot?” He then replied… “You fool… I sent you my best swimmer…you refused his help. I sent you a boat with my best captain, I even saved you a room … and you said NO! How on earth am I supposed to save you then?”

Like those defining moments in history that others have been blessed with, I truly believe that Birtukan’s emergence as a key player in the political arena, mirrors those opportune coincidences in history that eventually prove critical in shaping a country’s destiny. It is interesting to watch how carefully the veterans of the Ethiopian political scene tread around her. When we observe the ruling party pulling out all stops just to stifle her voice, when they reorganize the penitentiary system so that they can control her influence, when they with their four hundred something robots in the parliament come up with an “antiterrorism” bill so that they can “legally” muzzle her support, when the might of arguably the most powerful military in the continent is used to try intimidate a single woman and her infant child, we should know that in Birtukan we truly have some thing special. Indeed she might just be that visionary leader that we have been waiting for. It is ours to seize the moment or choose to be the dumb priest.

How lucky is she to have found at so tender age some thing she is willing die for. And how unlucky she is for being surrounded by those that have not had the same revelation and even those that have yet to find their voices. In her speeches and writings I have found Ethiopia’s answer to “I have a dream” and the “Gettysburg address”. I did hear her words in Obama’s, Race, Nomination and Inaugural speeches. I was tempted to think may be he did borrow her lines! If it all works out as I hope it will, down the line, our children will be able to look at Birtukan’s legacy and proudly place her on the same footing as Aung San Suo Kyi and Mandela. Her house to house campaign at the time when the election was seen as a farce and no one took heed, Her prison ordeal, and her magnificent ability to articulate what is in our collective hearts, her impeccable arguments and gentle persuasions will be the scaffolds her legend will be built around.

I realize now that we have not been wronged at all by the creator. But like the priest we may fail to embrace his favor at our own peril. Yes, we have had our share of, ignorant, tyrannical, hypocritical, despotic, incompetent, mendacious, sadistic kleptomaniacs for leaders. But I am convinced that in Birtukan I have my OBAMA, Gandhi, Mandela and Aung San Suo Kyi rolled into one. That is why I feel it is imperative that we recognize this and spare no effort in securing her release. We must continue to work hard to bring her back to the forefront of our political discourse. I beg all to realize the “Gold in our hands”. I have finally got my answer. I know now that it is no longer a matter of us ‘not having leaders’ but rather the sadder reality of our leaders not having us. May the spirits of the worthiest amongst us be with her.

The writer can be reached at esheteda@gmail.com

A Summary of Obang’s Speech in Dallas (Part Two)

Fighting for a Country
In part one, I talked about how we Ethiopians have essentially fought against the evils and injustices of the current regime by separating into disjointed, divided, alienated and non-cohesive “self-interest groups.” I used the term “village” to depict the way these groups then often work at odds with each other, only for their own interests, rather than for a “country.” I use the word “country” to describe how I believe we must work together as a whole for larger, more inclusive goals—united by principles and as Ethiopians who seek an Ethiopia where humanity comes before “ethnicity” and where we collaborate for the betterment of all Ethiopians, because “no one is free until we all are free.”

Because of these principles, a national focus that strengthens justice, rights and equality, should also empower those seeking self-determination at the local level, giving them a louder voice in both regional and federal affairs like in the United States and Canada. This is contrary to a “village” approach that puts one self-interested “village” group in control of the entire country, all the way from the kebele level to the federal level.

An approach that promotes “country” is one where the voices of diversity, ethnicity, regionalism and special interests should have greater say at every level, but particularly in the areas of the country that most affect them. Yet, years of operating on a “village” level in Ethiopia has even restructured our struggle into one where groups are warring between themselves to become the next dominating “village” over the entire country—a feudal model that we should discard.

This is inherently flawed and unless we change course, some one group might “win the battle” for themselves, but in the long-run, we all will “lose the war” for a new and for a better Ethiopia. In other words, until many of our people are freed from this “damaged” thinking, our sub-sections of our society of diverse people, will be “un-free.” Instead, we need to form a nation around inclusive, life-giving principles that will liberate all of us. This leads to the question, what will it take for Ethiopians to fight for a country rather than for their own village?

It will mean that we Ethiopians must begin to repair the broken elements of our society before it leads to the further disintegration of all of Ethiopia. I suggest we start with five actions:
Actions to Repair Broken Relationships and Strengthen our Society

Reach out: Start talking with each other, especially taking care to listen to other points of view,
Reconciliation: Admitting our wrongs, asking and giving forgiveness, seeking resolution of conflicts even when wronged by others wherever and whenever possible
Transparency: Speaking openly and honestly about our goals rather than secretly pursuing self-interest or “village interest”
Persevere through conflict: Work diligently and with perseverance to resolve disagreements, to gain understanding and/or to bring about consensus or if not possible or advantageous, agree to disagree with civility
Collaboration: Work collaboratively together towards common goals, even if organizations maintain separate identities
If we could take these meaningful steps towards each other, it would shake the Meles regime to its core and he would have to start worrying about it collapsing completely. Disagreement is common in human experience and is happening all the time, but when an organization’s main power, survival and threads of unity depend on “being against” other ethnic groups, political groups, religious groups or some other subsection of society or making sure they stay alienated, that organization’s survival is threatened by reconciliation efforts. Meles Zenawi and his clique have taken this to a new level; but yet, the practice is deeply entrenched in Ethiopian culture and is holding us back as a country.

If we acknowledge that we want to have a country, but yet are acting in a way that only supports our own “village,” are we not then our own roadblock to our goal? If our village, tribe, political group, region or religion is working hard to “take all,” and to dominate over everyone else, we cannot have a nation. If we can change this, we can have a healthy society, if we fail, we will not. We need to avoid falling into Meles’ tribal thinking where he cannot work with people outside his own small group. The supporting leg of his table is built on breaking us down into little, controllable, weak, warring villages. He has done it with language. We thought it was great to start, but it has divided us; probably, just as was intended.

What a sorry position we are in now. The people born in the last 18 years do not have a common language. The Afar, the Ogadeni, the Oromo, the Benishangul and many millions of others do not speak the national language of Amharic, but only their own tribal or regional language. Yet, language is a tool that empowers, connects and facilitates the carrying out of practical tasks of life, especially in an increasingly complicated world. Worse yet, our failure to have a common language is an ingredient for destruction. Look at the 300 million people in America who can communicate with one language, especially important when they have a problem. Even with Mengistu, we did far better than we are doing now under Meles. Our children cannot even communicate with each other, which makes it far more likely for conflict to explode into violence or killing when you have no common language to work things out peaceably.

Language has also been used as a “gate-keeper” by only admitting certain people who know the “right” language will leaving out others who do not. It has given a chosen few a monopoly on access to opportunities within the country and outside of the country; for example, Meles’ children and other children of TPLF members are taught not only Amharic and Tigrayan, but are given instruction in other Ethiopian and international languages, including English, giving them improved access to higher education and enabling them to go abroad to universities and colleges outside of Ethiopia. Those who might be hardworking and bright will not have access to the same opportunities because language has been used as a means to uphold an apartheid system of opportunity.

It has eliminated competition for advanced education, private and public jobs, partnerships with people outside of one’s own group—both within and outside of the country. This is selfish, wrong and will hold us back as a society. Who knows but it could be a science-minded man or woman from Benishangul-Gumuz, Afar, or from the Southern Nations who would discover an effective means to eliminate the threat of malaria, a vaccine to protect against the HIV virus or a source of alternative energy, if only they could converse with other scientists throughout the world!

The extremes of this preferential treatment for one group, coupled with the brutal human rights abuses and repression of others, can produce the seeds of genocide, dictatorships and corruption. It has been used by the Woyane to monopolize on opportunity, to prevent us from having compassion towards our fellow Ethiopians and to prevent us from creating a cohesive and a collaborative society.

We are much more than the tribe, the region, the village or the family to which we belong to for we are unique parts of the fabric that make up the quilt of humankind. This is why we must freely speak up for justice beyond our groups, something that will loosen Woyane’s delicate balance of power. We must forgive those who have wronged us and apologize with humility when we are wrong, understanding that each of us is a human being and has made mistakes.

Ethiopians are wonderful people, but these are the issues we must deal with if we are to stop propping up this regime. Remember people can change, including ourselves! Leaders are those who are genuinely willing to humbly lead the way in making such changes themselves and seeking reconciliation with others.

For example, we heard recently about Hailu Shawel showing up at Birtukan’s candlelight vigil as a sign of support for her and other political prisoners. This is a sign of progress and is the type of action, when done in humility and earnestness, which will bring transformation to our country. I not only applaud him for this action, but really admire and appreciate the meaning of what he has done. If I had advice for him, I would say, “Job, well done Ato Hailu. Now I hope you will continue to reach out to others like this for it is a great example to us of humility, courage and wisdom.” I also hope his followers can do the same and that they will be joined by many others from every group. This is how we broaden the struggle beyond ourselves and our villages—by repairing broken relationships. In doing so, we strengthen our society.

Fighting for Humanity
Changing our focus to a national one, where “no one village is free unless all are free” goes beyond being a political problem. It is about the survival of all of us and because of that, it cannot be done by one political leader, by one tribe, one political party or by one human rights advocate, but must be done by many of us doing it one person at a time to another. Each of us must declare ourselves advocates and start talking to others and following the steps to resolve our conflicts and divisions. This is why humanity must come before ethnicity, because otherwise we will place obstacles in our way that could otherwise be easily removed.

The attitude that will free all of us is to value every human being as being worthy of respect, basic rights and dignity, simply because God created them in the same way He did each of us. If you want respect, basic rights and dignity for yourself, first give it to others. This is a principle for success. Our society will be transformed if we demonstrate that we genuinely care about the well being and happiness of others—because “until all are free, none are free.”

God’s principles, which established these universal rules from the beginning of time, are those same principles that will reap great benefits for any society that practices them. Are you willing to become part of the clay that forms that kind of society? Are you dreaming of “a land where peace and prosperity flourish”? as great Ethiopian poet, Lemlem Tsegaw put it in her poem entitled: I Dream For . It will only happen if each of us makes that step of courage in humility.

May God create in us willing hearts to build new bridges between our villages so we can journey together to that New Ethiopia!

Please do not hesitate to email me if you have comments to: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

By Yilma Bekele

So the saying used to go ‘the sun never sets on the British empire’ that was yesterday. It should be replaced by ‘the sun always shines on Serkalem.’ The Global Forum of Freedom of Expression has honored Serkalem again. (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FkzGasyhJjk)  What a deserving recognition of a brave lady in the relentless service of her people for freedom and democracy. We thank the Forum for directing the beam of light on Serkalem to expose the nature of the ethnic junta in power. Serkalem is the symbol of eighty million Ethiopians languishing under the apartheid rule of the minority ethnic based  mafia.

Serkalem was jailed because the opposition won the 2005 election. Serkalem and her husband Eskinder used to publish two independent newspapers, Menelik and Satenaw before the general election. Their crime is doing their job ethically and professionally. They wronged the mafia clique because they told the truth. So Meles and our Tigrean cosa nostra group thought they can silence the press by jailing the publishers. Old and tired solution debunked a long time ago. But our peasant warriors are stuck on chapter one. They can not differenciate between their illegal deeds and the story being told. The rational action will be to refrain from illegal act. Unfortunately they would rather punish the messanger hoping the message will not see the light of day.

When will they learn? Unfortunately they are perfectly aware of their actions. They kill, torture, exile and insult because that is what they know best. They are not capable of change. They figure why change something that has worked for forty years. Ato Meles has been practicing his craft since the early 70’s. In his book ‘Democratization and Unity’ one of the founders of TPLF Kahsey Berhe, tells of an incident perfectly revealing the mind-set of Ato Meles and his group. The group suspected one of their friend to be an agent of the Derge whereby without an iota of evidence they went ahead to ‘beat him up and burn him with hot sickles’ till he was dead. The rank and file did not view this act favorably. The new leadership composed of Sebhat Nega, Meles Zenawi, and Abbay Tesehaye solved this dilemma by forming their own secretive security team within the organization. This arrangement of creation of a militia personally responsible to a few in the leadership has become the trademark of Ato Meles and company.

In today’s Ethiopia there is a government within a government. The TPLF clique has its own security force, its own private jail, its own private army and its own private law. Ato Meles is the ‘capo di tutti’ (boss of bosses) of this infamous criminal enterprise masquerading as a party. Why some think that they can reform the mafia is very bewildering. The fact that a few think a bully will relent due to some moral constraint is a wishful thinking that has become very costly to individuals and our country.

The narrow ethnic group in power is relentless in its pursuit of its perceived enemies. It is compounding the problem hourly and daily. It knows no shame. It thinks it is reinventing itself by doing the same thing again and again. So now they drafted a new so called ‘terrorist law’ by the Council of Ministers and submitted it to the ‘House of Representatives’. I know both are oxymoron. One-man rule and a fake council or parliament and unelected representative are contradiction at its best. The word terrorism is so passé no one bothered to inform the cadres. My dear Meles you have traded that currency, it is over. The new key word today is ‘Democracy and transparency’ please make a note.

The new law being drafted is an attempt to codify what the regime has been doing for the last eighteen years. Why they bother to even draft such a law is very strange? They have been killing with impunity, jailing without due process torturing at will so what is the idea of such a law in present day Ethiopia? Guess who is brought out to discuss and explain the nature of the new law. It is no other than our good old friend Shimelis kemal, the mentally challenged and borderline schizophrenic prosecutor of Kinijit.

As a reward for being humiliated in the eyes of the Ethiopian people the junior cadre has been promoted to the mis-communication outfit run by the mentally unstable Berket Semeone. Ato Shimelis and a brand new sidekick named Ermias Legesse are being mentored by Ato Bereket. Lord have mercy! According to duo as reported by the Daily nation ‘most of the core provisions of the draft anti-terrorism law have been drawn from the anti-terror laws of the UK, Canada, Australia, the US, Uganda and South Africa.’  There you have it. They dig deep into the Constitution of these developed countries and all they could come up with is a lesson to fight ‘terrorism’. My dear Shimelis and Ermias next time could you please pay special attention to the Magna Carta and Bill of Rights in those important documents. 

There is more. I told you our mafia have no shame. They have a bill pending in their Parliament regarding retirement benefits for the ruling class. Yes retirement benefit, that is what I said. So they own all land, own all property, own all industry and the national bank and they still want lifetime pay from poor Ethiopia. To sweeten the deal they also included the so-called parliament members and ministers too. See what I mean, they are relentless. The word enough is not in TPLF’s vocabulary. The word shame is alien to them. By the way this retirement document is also based on US laws for former head of state. No need to comment on this farce.

So what is with the table through out this article? These are the names of a few of our fellow Ethiopians massacred by Ato Meles’s army on June 8, 2005 in Addis Abeba. Our dear friend Serkalem Facil and opposition leaders, fellow journalists, civic organization leaders and ordinary Ethiopians were jailed by the regime in the aftermath of this government sanctioned killing of its own citizens. Thanks to Judge Wolde Michael Meshesha we have the report of the inquiry commission intact to remind us of the ultimate sacrifice paid by some so the rest of us can continue the struggle for freedom. Ato Meles has been vainly trying to shift responsibility for the massacre on to others. Our leader Judge Bertukan Mideksa is in jail (one hundred sixty two days, nineteen hours, fifty two minutes, as of this writing) because Ato Meles still thinks he can find a scapegoat for his crimes. Ato Meles declared ‘state of emergency’, Ato Meles took control of the military, and Ato Meles gave the order to use bullets on fellow citizens so he can stay in power illegally. No amount of backtracking will change that. 

The only thing that can change this state of affairs is the resolve of all Ethiopians to honor the sacrifice paid by our fellow citizens. They have done what they have to do. It is now our turn to do what is right and honorable. It is the responsibility of each one of us to do what is within our power to oppose tyranny, ethnic politics and to say no to TPLF bullies. Freedom is earned. Freedom cannot be outsourced. The U.S, President Obama, the European Union or any other party is not going to bring freedom and democracy to our land. Foreigners can only complement our struggle. It is up to us to show the world that a few cannot defeat the many. It is up to us to stop this dysfunctional behavior of tearing each other down and build on the positive aspect of our glorious history. It is up to us to support those who are working hard to stand up to the ethnic mafias so we can all live free in our own homeland. There are a lot of Ethiopians doing just that. The question is what have you done to contribute positively to enhance the struggle and bring those that killed our people to face up for their crimes?

What can you do? A lot my friend. You have the choice to contribute labor and money to the organization that best fit your philosophy. You can publicize the plight of your people in the many different forums, peaceful marches, candle light vigils held all over the world. You can get involved in letter writing campaigns to your representatives and international organization working on Human Right issues. You can starve the ethnic based regime of foreign currency by boycotting a trip back home. You can refuse to invest in Ethiopia until the mafia clique is removed from power and authority. You can urge the IMF and World Bank not to grant loan to the illegal regime. There are ways.

We congratulate our dear sister Serkalem for a well-deserved recognition by her peers. She makes all of us proud to be an Ethiopian. We remember the victims of June 8, 2005. We will continue the struggle they gave their lives for. Quitting is never an option.

I. INTRODUCTION

Once again the lobbying power of the likes of Egypt (the so called “Environmentalists”) has been proved to be of far superior. 

The second biggest aid receiver of the United States, next to Israel, for making peace with Israel and maintaining this status qua along with its effort to soften the fiery stand of few Arab countries’ logged against the very existence of Israel as a nation, Egypt can pull any strings at any time and still win over the flow of Nile and the Water Policy of Ethiopia, thanks to the poverty stricken, donor-dependent and financially starved Ethiopia. As it stands now, a handful Environmentalists can do the same.

The Environmentalists lobbied European Investment Bank (EIB) to withdraw funding from Ethiopia’s dam, and sure enough, they got what they wanted. Financing from the EIB for Gibe III has been stopped. Why? The Bank said it has decided to pull back its Euro 1.55 billion hydropower dam funding …following the calls from the Environmentalists that “the Gibe III Dam threatens the food security and local economies that support more than half a million people in Southwest Ethiopia,” almost verbatim to what the so called environmentalists argued, spearheaded by the likes of the controversial Terri Hathaway and Peter Bosshard.

Reportedly, EIB financed the Gibe and Gibe II dams, conducted a pre-assessment of the Gibe III Dam, and contributed funds to the project’s economic, financial and technical assessment. Gilgel Gibe III dam is expected to be Africa’s tallest dam with the height of 240 meters and Ethiopia’s biggest investment.

Snaring Choice

Ethiopians all over the world can’t take our eyes off issue number one: The demise of tribal EPRDF leadership who grossly affected the unity and sovereignty of the nation and violates the civil, human and democratic rights of our people. However, the Gibe III issue may force all of us to make hard choices and help the current regime’s effort win over EIB so that the bank will reverse its decision. By far, it is an asset which will benefit the generations to come. Alas, for most of us, it is a situation or predicament from which it is impossible to extricate our self from the vicious cycle of Zenawi’s cruel administration and the danger to the national interest of Ethiopia. It will not be an easy choice; rather, it is a choice which we would have to make in pain for the sake of our country and aspiration of the future generations.

II. BACKGROUND

Fengjie is a small city with an ancient cultural center along the Yangtze River in central China, which is about to disappear as the world’s largest dam takes shape. By the end of 2009, about one million residents of this ancient city would be relocated to another location. Then, the land which has had the ancient city would be the world biggest dam.

At the eve of the disappearance of this ancient city, the most vocal issue has been if such large-scale disruptions be outweighed by the presumed benefits of the multi-billion dollar dam. Experts argued for and against it. The success will be that damming the World’s third-longest river (Yangtze River) will create a reservoir 365 miles (600 km) long. Aswan Dam of Egypt, Merowe of Sudan and other dams have had similar problems and gains.

It is inherent with any dams to cause forced or voluntary evacuations, pollutions, loss of spectacular scenery that has inspired poets and painters for centuries…shrines, mosques, synagogues, churches, cultural sites and archeological excavations. Dams affect farmlands and the river’s marine life, a vital source of food in several communities. They consume (flood) large areas, and cost billion of dollars, making a big dent on a given national economy. In spite of these inherent problems, countries seem willing to pay the price, and take the risks to build dams because the end result is acquiring thousands of megawatts of cleaner hydroelectric power which would offset the burning of polluting coal (and other materials) and boosting their national economies.
Gibe III dam is no way different from dams built all over the world. It has its own inherent advantages and disadvantages. After weighing the potential benefits and burdens, Kenya and Ethiopia have reportedly signed the power purchase agreement outlining the terms of electricity sales in 2006. Nonetheless, Environmentalists are less impressed with this agreement as the large share of its electricity will be sold to consumers in other parts of Kenya and not in the Turkana region of Kenya. These environmentalists vehemently opposed the construction of Gibe III.
Unlike the Ethiopian Gilgel Gibe III, these so called Environmentalists did not intervene with equivalent lobbying force to stop the construction of the Aswan Dam of Egypt and the Merowe High Dam of Sudan, also known as Merowe Multi-Purpose Hydro Project or Hamdab Dam (“Merow”). The Reason…well, Sudan is not Ethiopia when it comes to Egypt, and Asawn…well, it is Egypt’s dam. After all, Egypt claims the totality of the Nile River water with Sudan. So, that goes for Egyptians’ trust of Sudanese and mistrust of Ethiopians. What is unfortunate is that the Environmentalists’ similar allegation against Gibe III Dam.

III. SUDAN’S MEROW DAM

Merowe is a large construction project in Merowe Town in Northern Sudan, about 350 km north of the capital Khartoum. It is situated on the river Nile, close to the 4th Cataract where the river divides into multiple smaller branches with large islands in between. Merowe is a city about 40 km downstream from the construction site at Hamdab. The main purpose of the dam is generation of electricity. Its dimensions make it the largest contemporary hydropower project in Africa.

Merowe’s Effects on Environment and Inhabitants: When it comes to concerns, Merow is not different from Gilgel Gibe III, be it environmental or people.

Displacement: It caused the displacement of an estimated 55,000 to 70,000 people who were residents of the area which covered by the reservoir lake, mainly belonging to the Manasir, Hamadab and Amri tribes.
Human Rights Violations: UN Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing Miloon Kothari once issued a statement, calling for a halt to dam construction at Merowe until an independent assessment of the dam’s impacts on the more than 60,000 people who stand to be displaced by the dams at Merowe and Kajbar. Kothari alleged reservoir of Merowe destroyed dozens of homes in the area and put many more at risk.
Archeological Concern: The dam covered a place where it was inhabited by people through nearly all periods of (pre)history, but very little archaeological work has ever been conducted in this particular region. Recent surveys have confirmed the richness and diversity of traceable remains, from the Stone Age to the Islamic period. However, now there won’t be any chance for archeology.
Environmental Impact:
Sedimentation: The resettlement area is a vast area with an expected 50,000–70,000 inhabitants who would be going through a transitional period for a few years before the get acclimatised & psychologically adapted to the new-life ahead. Governing by the two eminent health impact experiences of New Halfa resettlement projects and Aswan Dam in Egypt, strategic health planning ought to start early to foresee what water born diseases and other ecological health problems (such as bilharziasis, malaria) are likely to prevail and to plan how to guard against that.
Evaporation: The creation of the reservoir lake will increase the surface area of the Nile by about 700 km². Under the climatic conditions at the site, additional evaporation losses of up to 1,500,000,000 m³ per year can be expected. This corresponds to about 8% of the total amount of water allocated to Sudan in the Nile Waters Treaty.
International and Domestic Concern: More so it had an International political impact as Nile is shared by 10 Riparian countries and domestic concerns because of South Sudan and Darfur unrest.
Regardless of this the environmentalists who worked hard to stop the financing of Gibe III have not made efforts to stop construction of Merow Dam.
IV. EGYPT’S ASWAN DAM

Aswan (Assuan) is a city on the first cataract of the Nile in Egypt. Two dams straddle the Nile River at this point: the newer Aswan High Dam, and the older Aswan Dam or Aswan Low Dam. The aim of this water project was to prevent the river’s flooding, generate electricity and provide water for agriculture. The old Aswan Dam is about 1000 km up-river from Cairo or 686 km as the crow flies heading 166.8 degrees. The new Aswan High Dam is 4 km upriver from the older dam.

Aswan Dam has caused a number of environmental and cultural problems:

Displacement: It flooded much of lower Nubia and over 60,000 people were displaced. However, it allowed new settlements to be planned on an improved basis.
Archeological Concern: Lake Nasser flooded valuable archaeological sites such as the fort at Buhen.
Environmental Concern:
Fishing: Mediterranean fishing declined after the dam was finished because nutrients that used to flow down the Nile to the Mediterranean were trapped behind the dam.
Erosion: There is some erosion of farmland down-river as the river replenishes its sediment load. Erosion of coastline barriers due to lack of new sediments from floods will eventually cause loss of the brackish water lake fishery that is currently the largest source of fish for Egypt, and the subsidence of the Nile Delta will lead to inundation of the northern portion of the delta with seawater, in areas which are now used for rice crops. The red-brick construction industry, which used delta mud, is also severely affected. There is significant erosion of coastlines (due to lack of sand, which was once brought by the Nile) all along the eastern Mediterranean.
Fertility: The delta itself, no longer renewed by Nile silt, has lost much of its fertility.
Evaporation and Disease: As salt water stagnates and evaporates it leaves behind salt crystals on the soil, causing salinisation and decreased yield. Furthermore, the standing water is a breeding ground for snails carrying the parasite bilharzias, the second most socio-economically negative parasite, second only to malaria. Due to the Aswan Dam inhibiting the natural fluctuations in water height, i.e. floods, the bilharzias disease has flourished causing great expense to the Egyptian economy and people. The battle with the disease continues. The valuable silt which the Nile deposited ashore in the yearly floods and made the Nile floodplain fertile is now held behind the dam. Silt deposited in the reservoir is lowering the water storage capacity of Lake Nasser. Poor irrigation practices are water-logging soils and bringing salt to the surface.
Pollution: The increased use of artificial fertilizers in farmland below the dam has caused chemical pollution which the traditional river silt did not. Indifferent irrigation control has also caused some farmland to be damaged by water-logging and increased salinity, a problem complicated by the reduced flow of the river, which allows salt water to encroach further into the delta.
Atalantic Ocean: The Aswan Dam tends to increase the salinity of the Mediterranean Sea, and this affects the Mediterranean’s outflow current into the Atlantic Ocean. This current can be traced thousands of kilometers into the Atlantic.

V. GIBE III DAM OF ETHIOPIA

Are the concerns of Gibe III different from the concerns of Merowe of Sudan, Aswan of Egypt, and Yangtze of China? If not why did EIB pulled its financing of Gibe III Dam? EIB made a decision to stop financing of Gibe III dam due to the pressure exerted by Environmentalists and activists from Friends of Lake Turkana, Kenya[1], Reform the World Bank Campaign, Counter Balance (Italy)[2], and International Rivers (Cameroon)[3] .

Environmentalists argued that the dam would affect “the ecosystems of Ethiopia’s Lower Omo Valley and Kenya’s Lake Turkana … [by] wreak havocking on the Omo River’s natural flood cycle.” African Resources Working Group (ARWG) disputed the findings of the Environmental Impact Assessment done by the Ethiopian Government citing more potential risk to the environment and the indigenous communities, mainly:

i. They urged the Bank not to fund the Gibe III because the affected communities could not withstand any more pressure on the little resources along the lake.
ii. Gibe III Dam would lead to the ecological and economic collapse around Lake Turkana, adding that it would also fuel tension in the volatile east African region, specifically[4]:
· Retreat of Lake Turkana (7m in depth in first 5 years); they said the construction of Gibe III dam would leave the lake and its inhabitants devastated as the lake could start drying up when its main source, the Omo River, is depleted by a huge dam in Ethiopia.
· A significant increase in lake salinity, and destruction of aquatic organisms
· Destruction of Indigenous Econom[ies]
· [Transboundary] Issues between Ethiopia, Sudan and Kenya
· Hampering of Possible Regional Development
iii. They vehemently argued that Gibe III dam would violate human rights and social justice of the inhabitants of Lake Turkana as the dam is destroying their source of livelihood as well as their environment.
Nonetheless, the environmentalists have admitted that “ the idea of dams producing hydroelectric power” is not something to be disregarded, but they encouraged Ethiopia to pursue an alternative forms of energy development that avoid unacceptable trade offs which jeopardize indigenous economies and destroy the eco-system, like constructing small dams. Ethiopia is the poorest nation in the globe, and it is not an easy task for Ethiopians to pursue such an alternative route, loosing what could be a boost for its national economy. Hathaway knows that this task will not be an easy one, but he and his allies are telling Ethiopia that at any cost Ethiopia has to maintain the maximum river flow or slow construction of the dam to allow for adequate flow of water into Lake Turkana rather than the drastic five year damming plan currently in place.[5]

Next Stop: Africa Development Bank (ADB)

The so called Environmentalist group next stop is the ADB which they planned to pressure to stop funding. Reportedly, they have submitted complaints to the ADB in March and April alleging the Gibe III Dam violates the Bank’s policies on environmental and social assessment, poverty reduction, resettlement, public disclosure, and trans-boundary water management. They went to the extent of convincing donors not to fund ADB what they are not prepared to fund through EIB.

VI. CONCLUSION

EIB should not have stopped the financing of Gibe III. As it is shown is other dams across the globe, there are cons and pros of each and every construction of dam. The fair issue and the standard should always be if the benefit outweighs the concerns in constructing such huge dams. EIB and Environmentalists should stop using double standards and in no way shall not justify their partiality towards their financiers.

Had the government of Ethiopia not violated the human, civil and democratic rights of its citizens, Euro1.5 Billion could have been raised by Ethiopian Diaspora members saving Ethiopia from unnecessary saga with EIB and Environmentalists. Therefore, what EIB should know is that, at any cost now or later, Ethiopians will complete Gibe III dam construction. However, EIB would stand to loose its goodwill and trust with Ethiopians and the international community.

The author can be reached at tmulushoa@gmail.com.

[1] Contact Person, Ikal Angelei, +254 736 685 118 or +254 722 343 160
[2] Contact Person, Caterina Amicucci,), +39 349 852 0789
[3] Contact Person, Terri Hathaway, , +237 22 02 34 12; Peter Bosshard +1 510 848 1155
[4] http://internationalrivers.org/en/ngos/ikal-angelei-friends-lake-turkana-kenya

Dambisa Moyo`s book Dead Aid is a timely book which brings forth what we have been thinking about Western aid, but did not dare to speak out.As the introducer of the book correctly stated, many have written about aid but never questioned the relevance of Western aid in creating a science based social wealth. On the other hand Moyo has shown brilliantly that Western aid, governmental or non-governmental couldn’t help Africa in regard to transforming to a better form of social organization, by which innovation and technological development become possible. Due to persistent aid dependency many African countries could not mobilize their natural and human resources, and are hindered to build a self-reproductive economy. If African countries south of the Sahara want to become prosperous they must be cured effectively from aid cancer. The only effective medicine to cure this cancer is to stop begging for Western aid and start relying on other sources which can create social wealth which is based on science and technology.

Moyo showed that while many Asian countries intelligently modernized their societies by mobilizing internal and external resources, the persistent flow of aid to Africa over the last 6 decades has inflicted heavy damages which cannot be easily repaired. Over the last 60 years almost a trillion of dollars has been poured into Africa, and yet growth is decreasing. As a result of aid related economic policies, instead of economic growth, the situation in many African countries south of the Sahara is worse than 30 years ago. Between 1984 and 2002 the number of poor people has increased at an alarming rate, while life expectancy has stagnated or decreased. In many African countries life expectancy is below 50 years, which shows that aid could not move Africa forward. This negative trend is visible in many areas, like lack of clean water, bad sanitation systems, and ineffective health facilities which are concentrated in few cities, the building up of slums and the break up of social ties, increasing illiteracy rate and so on.

Though there has been remarkable growth in many African countries in recent years as a result of raw material demands on the world market, still the 5% growth rate could not mitigate all the negative effects what Western aid has caused over the last 60 years. The gain from this export driven demand could not be allocated wisely to create internal accumulation, and as a result the continent now faces budget deficits.

Why Aid could not work in Africa!

Moyo compares the effectiveness of aid between Europe and Africa. After the Second World War, many Western European countries received aid which had helped them to rebuild their broken economies. Due to the Marshall Plan they couldn’t only rebuild their economies within a short time; they could also become competitive and easily dominate the world market. According to Moyo and other researches, either qualitative or quantitative, before the war, many Western capitalist economies had intact economic and social infrastructures. The war did not destroy the physical infrastructures, like roads, rail road systems, and machines which are the backbones of real economic development. Besides these, many Western countries which were affected by the war have long accumulated organizational experiences and know-how which they could easily mobilize after the war. The money and other aid related resources which came from America only helped the very existing structures to reorganize effectively. The fact that America had great interest in counter attacking the expansion of the Soviet communism, it did not have any other option than helping Western Europe to rebuild its broken economy.

In comparison to the Western accumulated experience and knowledge, many African countries lack so many things. By quoting Max Weber, many African countries lack the protestant spirit which is the main driving force of capitalism in many western countries. Others, like tribal and geographical factors are also hindrances for the development of capitalism in Africa. Because many African countries are organized more on the basis of ethnic solidarity than social articulation, they fight for resources which share their valuable energy, and which they other wise invest to create a generalized social wealth. The tribal structures also hinder that many tribes could not develop effectively division of labour which is the basis of exchange and integrated social structures. Due to the low level of the development of social division of labour and social integration which can destroy tribal barriers, state systems which organize resources effectively could not develop. When Western capitalist countries began colonizing Africa, they started to destroy the very existing social structures, and threw many countries into mere appendage to make them the basis of capitalist accumulation. These and the climatic conditions in many African countries, which are believed to be the causes of economic backwardness, do not favour real economic development. Though many African countries are endowed with strategic mineral resources which are vital for technological development, the rich resources what Africa possesses rather become a curse than a help.

Though these are factors that must be reckoned when one tries to analyse the problem of development/underdevelopment in Africa, the main argument of Moyo is different. According to her investigation which is evidenced statistically, not only the nature of aid, but also the allocation of aid which is related to specific policies blocks any meaningful development. At the beginning many African countries received aid which helped them to build their infrastructures and other big projects. But as of the 1980s many African governments must practice the austerity policies of the IMF and the World Bank. The march of neo-liberalism and the diminishing rolls of many states to stimulate their economies mean that many African countries must adjust themselves to the changed environment. The deterioration of their trade balances due to the rapid fall of world market prices for raw materials left no other option other than accepting the new paradigm of a pure market economy. Pure market economy which is strictly based on neo-liberal ideology has been seen as the most effective medicine which could bring economic growth in many African countries. Hence, African governments must stop intervening in economic activities. This will motivate the private sector and paves the way for the allocation of resources, which is a reflection of market mechanism. Privatization, liberalisation and devaluation of the currencies become the most effective parameters which loosen the market from the grips of government intervention. The IMF, the World Bank and the donor community are convinced that many African countries will have bright futures if they persistently apply market economic policies as is prescribed in the school books. Aid packages are tightened with the market principles of the IMF and the World Bank philosophy.

As to Moyo, though conditionality seems good on paper, aid recipient countries do not strictly follow the advices of the donor community, and allocate them in areas whose rewards are either low or spent lavishly. Neither the donor community controls from time to time whether recipient countries are following the strict prescription as is agreed on paper. This is one aspect of the argument that Moyo discusses in her book, why aid couldn’t work in Africa, and perpetuates the existing structures so that Africa becomes more and more dependent on the donor community for her very existence. The other argument that Moyo discusses is that the aid program of the West has strategic aims from the outset, and as such it is not designed to create a well-functioning economy which is based on science and technology. Whether African governments are democratic or not, as long as they fulfil the strategic interests of the West aid flows will continue.

Negative Impacts of Aid

As aid has strategic purposes, it produces corruption on a higher scale, strengthens dictatorial regimes and disenfranchises the masses. Moyo shows the strong correlation between increasing aid dependency, corruption and the nature of government structures in many African countries. As many African governments rely on aid, they do not show any will to find other means to bring their economy on the right track. As there are no organic links between the government structures and the masses, governments rely more on repressive measures to hold down any resistance from the masses. Irrespective of bad governance, human rights abuses, and mass scale corruption, Western governments continue with their aid programs. The government in Ethiopia is a good example, why donor countries are not interested in fair election, good governance and accountability. They have been financing a regime over the last 18 years which is disliked by over 90% of the population, and which is engaged in mass killings and practices ethnic policies which lead the country to civil wars.

Continuous aid dependency has also incalculable social consequences. As African governments do not feel responsible for their people, they do not have social programs or any agenda to use the available human resources wisely. Due to false investment priorities and concentration in few cities, these cities are overcrowded and are becoming breeding grounds for criminality and social upheaval which cannot be easily controlled. The mass immigration from the rural areas to the cities has created on one hand new social structures which are not productive and creative, on the other hand social ties which have existed for generations are broken. As governments could not create economic structures which create job opportunities for the masses, and do not generate sufficient income, the saving and buying capacity of the masses are very low. In this case governments do not have wide tax base with which they could finance infrastructures, support small and medium size industries, and give special subsidy for social programs which tightens the community together. In short, aid dependency creates indifference, loss of creativity, non-self reliance, and social irresponsibility which ultimately ruin the entire social fabric of a given country.

The Remedy

Interestingly Moyo proposes that if undeveloped economies want to become prosperous they need benevolent dictators which are capable of mobilizing human and natural resources. Unfortunately, she says, instead of becoming benevolent, they remain dictators at the end. On the other hand, multi-party democracy cannot work in Africa, since decision processes consume too much time, and parties fight more on agendas that advance their interests, nation building which needs profound knowledge and wise politics remain behind. In this case Africa finds itself in a great dilemma.

Though things seem politically bleak, Moyo still believes that African countries have ample opportunities to develop their economies. African countries should follow the examples of Asian countries. First of all, they have to turn their back on Western aid, and strengthen their ties with more friendly countries. According to Moyo, China could be a very good strategic partner; and the Chinese are showing more interests in the development of the African economy. Their activities on more strategic sectors, and building highways and rail roads are examples which could benefit the continent, and help her at the end to build a strong home market. Secondly, African countries could mobilize internal and external resources by issuing special state bonds, which could be allocated in areas whose multiplier effects are great. Therefore it is very important to create new financial instruments and organizing a capital market which help to mobilize the existing money from within. Thirdly, African governments must push Western countries to cut their subsidies for their farm products, and open their market for African products. At the end African countries must apply market economy if they want to grow and develop their economies.

The Problem

Moyo sees African governments as passive agents, which accept the advices of the donor community without examining whether the policies work or not. That means African governments are either unwilling or capable to produce their own ideas and implement them. On the other hand why the African elite handle the issues like this is not thematically analysed. As long as we do not know the root causes of such irrational handlings which ruin the continent, it is very difficult to work out a viable development program.

Moyo fixes her analysis and the bad performance of the continent to aid alone. Over the last three or four decades, many Third World experts like Prof. Samir Amin and others, and many experts from the West who have humanistic outlooks have developed complex theories and showed that the causes of underdevelopment in Africa are more complex, and cannot be reduced to a single factor. Slavery, colonialism, the international division of labour and the unequal exchanges which African countries are exposed, are the few factors which are responsible for why the African economy is lagging behind. Besides these, the internal structures of the African societies, which are solely the result of slave trade and colonialism, and the cultural and social structures which are created after independence are factors which hinder the development of science and technology in Africa. With this the nature of the state structure is not suitable to create internal accumulation, and as such governments think that the resources of the continent belong to few individuals. The militarization of the state apparatus and the organization of the security to control any intellectual movement, and the strong ties of these structures with foreign forces hinder Africa to go its own road. Practically the absence of social and intellectual movements make the continent a play ground of all governmental and non-governmental organisations. To use Alavis words, the overdeveloped state apparatus from within, and its external weakness, make the continent vulnerable for outside manipulation. In short, Africa is still a controlled continent which must be freed from internal repressive forces and external domination which drive the continent to more aggressive wars.

Moyo sees the future of Africa only from the perspective of a market economy. She knows better than I do that a market economy can work when certain social relationships are created and organized. If we look at the economy of Western Europe, it is based on certain political, social, cultural and psychological mechanisms, and it is a product of at least four hundred years. That means for the introduction of a market economy, certain factors alone are not sufficient. Since the basis of any social structures is the existence of a social and technological division of labour, any society must be organized on these principles. On the other hand any society exists not for the sake of a market economy. Though any society needs production, distribution and exchange for its existence, these aspects are the reproduction bases of any society to lay the foundation for higher forms of cultural and social organization. Societies which reduce themselves to a pure market economy while neglecting social, cultural and spiritual factors will inevitably create abnormal structures which cannot be cured easily.

From this perspective the African continent needs more than a market economy. In order to develop Africa not only as a market economy, but also as a society with all cultural features, the continent needs cultural renaissance. Africans must take holistic approaches to mobilize the existing resources and forces so that they can build aesthetically designed societies. As history teaches us, only the simultaneous mobilization of all the available resources will lead countries to effective and durable results.

In general Moyo`s book is a very challenging book, and addresses our problems. It confronts those aid gurus, like Prof. Jeffery Sachs who manipulate the African leaders with their neo-liberal agendas. It is a very good starting point for further discussion, and can contribute to eliminate confusing ideas.

Fekadu Bekele

The writer can be reached at fekadubekele@gmx.de

Prominent lawyer and chairman of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council(EHRCO), Abebe Worke has become the latest victim of arrest in connection with the printing and studio equipment of the Addis Broadcasting plc. (ABC)
The Amharic Reporter today reported that Abebe was was arrested on June 4 appeared before the Arada branch of the Federal First Instance Court on June 5 for his alleged involvement in bringing digital radio broadcasts equipments to the country without declaring the equipments and trying to pass the equipments for a third party.
According the Reporter, police asked for an additional ten days to gather evidence, for which the court consented.
The 68-year-old lawyer has served as judge for 19 years and has been chairman of the EHRCO for the past six years.
Abebe who is one of the shareholders of Addis Broadcasting Company has joined the other captives, VOA’s reporter Melescahew Amha, the company general manger, Woizero Amelework Tadesse, the company’s driver, Ato Demeke Getu and other two people who were arrested on May 27.
Addis Broadcasting Company is owned by Dr. Berhanu Nega, Ato Berhane Mewa,Dr. Shawel Hailu, Professor Mesfin Woldemaryam, Dr. Befekadu Degfie, and other 32 personalities.Unable to obtain a radio licenses, the company had been closed for along time without giving any service.

Our (home)land on firesale

A while back, the capo di tutti capi (the “boss of bosses”) of the dictatorship in Ethiopia rebuked Congressman Donald Payne for pushing H.R. 2003 (“Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act”). He quipped with his signature sarcasm, “Ethiopia, this government and this country, are incapable, unwilling and unable to be run like some kind of banana republic from Capitol Hill or anywhere else.” That is not exactly true today. The evidence shows that “Ethiopia and this government” are “capable, willing and able to be run like some barley republic from Jeddah or any of the other Gulf states.” It has been widely reported that Saudi and other Gulf “investors” have spent over two hundred million U.S. dollars to buy (“lease”) fertile Ethiopian farmland free of local taxes and other requirements to supply themselves with a cornucopia of agricultural commodities which, oddly enough, they could purchase on the world market at competitive prices. It seems the desert sand has trumped the fertile land in the barley republic.

There are many bewildering things about this sordid multimillion dollar land deal. First, as the dictators are orchestrating a fire sale of chunks of the country to foreign governments fronting as “investors” and lining their pockets, nearly a quarter of the Ethiopian population is teetering on the brink of famine. The rest of the population is menaced daily by malnutrition and hunger. Second, the dictators are bending over backwards to insure food security in the “investor” countries while Ethiopia’s food insecurity is causing frantic alarm in the rest of the world. For the past year, the UN Food and Agricultural Organization has been calling for immediate steps to be taken to protect the poor in Ethiopia from skyrocketing food prices. Just last week the U.N World Food Program issued an advisory estimating that the national relief program for Ethiopia will fall nearly 178,000 metric tons short of assessed needs for the second quarter of the year. Third, to add insult to injury, the same dictatorship, after engorging itself with the proceeds of the ill-gotten loot from the so-called “investors”, will shamelessly stand at the gates of the World Food Programme, the U.S. Government, the European Union and other donor countries panhandling for food aid. Such is the brazen audacity of dictatorship!

Everyone in the world is perplexed by this new mercenary land hustle taking place in Ethiopia. The Economist magazine, that unwavering bastion of conservatism and defender of free trade and globalization, wondered in total bafflement: “… Are these ‘land grabs’, ‘neocolonialist’ rip-offs, different from 19th-century colonialism only because they involve different land-grabbers and enrich different local elites?” Even the left-leaning Independent newspaper expressed righteous indignation: “Over the past few months, Saudi Arabian investors have paid $100m for an Ethiopian farm where they hope to grow wheat and barley, adding to the millions of acres they already own in the war-ravaged country… Neo-colonialists are buying up agricultural land in Africa and local farmers could be crushed unless there are international rules to protect them…” Agricultural experts worldwide have also chimed in to condemn such one-sided secret deals arguing that the deals ultimately serve to water the deep roots of the culture of corruption among Africa’s kleptocratic dictatorships than materially contributing to its development.

Anatomy of the Sale of Ethiopia

Time was when foreign private companies bought land from private owners in the developing countries and created large scale plantations. In the “banana republics” of Central America, multinational corporations exploited a large, impoverished peasant class by creating a dependent and subservient local oligarchy. American fruit companies eventually became powerful enough to dominate the entire export sector of these countries and own and operate key infrastructures such as railways, mining and ports.

What we are witnessing in countries like Ethiopia today is an extreme form of the banana republic syndrome. In the barley republic, the aim is to create a foreign enclave economy (completely and totally isolated and insulated from the local economy) in the host country with the singular purpose of extracting agricultural commodities for export back to the “investor” countries. The farms to be established on the acquired lands are expected to be high technology driven using high yield seeds, modern pesticides and other production systems. The “agricultural clusters” that are expected to be developed will have little connection to the host country’s broader economy. They will contribute very little to the development of a skilled work force at the local level, and local workers will be relegated to menial jobs that require minimal training. There will be few environmental standards for these “investors” to uphold, and there is no way to monitor the damage they are likely to cause to the local ecosystem. In short, in the enclave economy of the barley republic, there will be little “spillover” or “ripple” effect on the local or national economy; and there will be miniscule net gains to the host countries from the “investments” (except the millions of dollars that will line the pockets of the corrupt dictators). For Ethiopia’s wretched poor and hungry, it will all be a surreal experience: They will be standing by the dusty roadsides watching helplessly as the endless caravan of diesel trucks shuttle back and forth delivering the harvest of barley, wheat and rice to port for shipment.

The dictators in Ethiopia naturally want to conceal the corrupt and mercenary nature of the land deals. They say they are just attracting foreign direct investment which will result in a stable source of capital, boost national income and local employment while reducing the country’s debt load. Is that even theoretically possible in an enclave economy?

According to a study prepared by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), it is obvious that the whole land deal is an elaborate swindle, a scam, a shell game1:

In Ethiopia, for example, enquiries at the state-level Oromia investment promotion agency found evidence of some 22 proposed or actual land deals, of which 9 were over 1,000 ha, in addition to the 148 recorded at the national investment promotion agency. It is possible to speculate that state-level agencies in other Ethiopian states may also have records of additional projects, and that some land acquisitions may not have been recorded at all….For example, in Ethiopia information about the land size of many deals proposed or concluded in 2008 was missing….

In another instance, “an investment by German company Flora EcoPower in Ethiopia was reported to involve 13,000 ha (hectare), while it is recorded at the Ethiopian investment promotion agency for 3,800 ha only.”

To avoid public scrutiny and ward off local opposition, the dictatorship intentionally and fraudulently misclassifies all land sold to foreign governments as vacant “wastelands” implying that the land is unused, unoccupied by anyone or just wilderness. In fact, the so-called “wasteland” often supports herders who graze animals on it and people who have farmed it for generations. The dictators ignore the customary rights of the local people to satisfy their voracious appetite for foreign-investment deals to line their pockets. There is also evidence to suggest that smallholders have had their arms twisted to sign away their rights for insignificant compensation. According to the above-referenced study:

In Ethiopia, for example, all land allocations recorded at the national investment promotion agency are classified as involving “wastelands” with no pre-existing users. But this formal classification is open to question, in a country with a population of about 75 million, the vast majority of whom live in rural areas. Evidence collected by in-country research suggests that at least some of the lands allocated to investors in the Benishangul Gumuz and Afar regions were previously being used for shifting cultivation and dry-season grazing, respectively.
Although the dictatorship claims that the so-called land leases are determined by the regional governments, the evidence proves conclusively otherwise:

Most documented land leases are granted by the government. This includes 100% of documented cases in Ethiopia.
The dictatorship’s claim that the land deals bring prosperity and jobs to the local economy is simply false. The evidence actually shows that the “investors” are ripping off the country blind in broad daylight:

In-country research confirms the general impression that land fees are low in monetary terms and an unimportant component of negotiations. In Ethiopia, rent was required in four deals out of the six projects examined in greater detail, with prices ranging from US$ 3 to 10 per hectare per year. These fees are low in the international context, though land rentals are going up (in the Ethiopian state of Oromia, for instance). Several deals – including the contract from the Benishangul Gumuz Regional State, examined by this study – involve five-year exemptions from land fees (article 4(a) of the Benishangul Gumuz contract)…. In Ethiopia, for example, profit tax (estimated at US$ 20 per hectare per year) is usually exempted for a period of 5 years; for a total of 602,760 ha allocated to documented projects, it is estimated that the exemption of this tax for each project over 5 years amounts to US$ 60,276,000.42.
This is the deal that made it possible for the king of Saudi Arabia a few months ago to celebrate the delivery of the first fresh harvest from his lush farms in Ethiopia.

The Scramble for Africa Redux?

It is a historical irony that Ethiopia should escape and successfully defend its sovereignty and independence during the European scramble for Africa in the late 19th Century and again in the last century against Italian colonial aggression only to become the first casualty of a newfangled neocolonial agricultural scramble. The historical parallels are obvious: In its early stages, European imperialism planted its economic tentacles in Africa by sending out its explorers, adventurers and merchantmen. The gunboats and armies showed up later. In the kinder and gentler world of petrodollar neocolonialism, there is no need for gunboats. The weapon of choice is a slush fund of petrodollars and so-called sovereign-wealth funds directed at corrupt and thieving African dictators and politicians who are able, willing and ready to sell out chunks of their countries for pennies. In this brave new world of petrodollar neocolonialism, neither the corrupt dictators nor their bankrollers care about the consequences of their deals on the local population, the displacement of local farmers and herders or adverse environmental impacts.

Last May, Tekleab Kebede, “Ethiopian Consul General” in Saudi Arabia, sought to bless the Saudi land deal by saying: “After all, the relations between Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia are longstanding. There is geographical proximity and the religious values and linguistic affinities that we share have brought the two countries close and strengthened the bonds. So, Saudis should have no hesitation in turning toward Ethiopia for investment.” That may be polite diplomatic palaver, but historically it is untrue. It is a fact that Saudi Arabia provided substantial material and moral support to secessionist elements in Ethiopia in the not too distant past. It also supported Somalia diplomatically and materially in its invasion of Ethiopian territory in 1977. Ethiopia’s supposed “special relationship” with Israel and other matters of religion have been a cause of ongoing irritation for the Saudis in their relations with Ethiopia.

The simple point is that this runaway land deal with the Saudis and the Gulf states needs to be scrutinized carefully for its broader implications. Is this ever expanding land deal a Trojan Horse used by the Saudis and the Gulf Shiekdoms for a broader thrust into Ethiopia? Are these “investments” the first elements of a grand strategic calculus to penetrate and dominate the Ethiopian economy and society? Or is it merely a benign search for land to raise crops, which by all accounts can be purchased on the world market at very competitive prices? Here the experience of the banana republics is instructive. The multilateral companies that invested in Central America, the Caribbean, Colombia, Ecuador and other places initially produced and exported bananas, pine apples, coffee and other commodities. Over a period of time, through their control of the large plantations, they managed to place a chokehold on the local oligarchies who depended almost entirely on the cash flow provided by the multinational agri-businesses. As history shows, it did not take long for the foreign “investors” to own and operate the rail, trucking, ports and banking systems in those countries. History also shows that the social upheavals in the banana republics which occurred in reaction to the oppressive alliance of the oligarchies and multinationals resulted in atrocities that lasted for decades in those countries.

Is this the bright future that awaits the brave Barley Republic of Ethiopia?

Resistance to Land Swindles

Not everyone is taking it lying down. Recently, the government in Madagascar was overthrown in large part because of public anger over a secret deal by the deposed ruler to hand over to a South Korean company one million hectares of Madagascar to grow maize. Marc Ravalomanana, the deposed president, initially denied the existence of a secret land deal. He and his cronies were expecting to pocket millions of dollars from the deal until the coup disrupted their plans. The interim president Andry Rajoelina rejected the deal declaring that, “In the Constitution, it is stipulated that Madagascar’s land is neither for sale nor for rent, so the agreement with Daewoo is cancelled.” Interestingly, the South Korean company had “promised to spend $6-billion in the next 20 to 25 years to help build infrastructure such as roads, railways, a port and schools in exchange for developing huge swathes of arable land in Madagascar.” The Maize Republic of Madagascar was not to be! (It is worth noting that Madagascar is ranked 143/176 on the U.N. Development Program Human Development Index (which measures life expectancy, literacy, education, GDP per capita in 176 countries in the world). Ethiopia ranks 169/176. Local opposition is brewing in Zambia against a proposed Chinese plan to acquire 2million hectares for a biofuels project. Kenyan farmers are demanding to produce the commodities themselves and export it to Quatar instead of working as menial farmhands.

The Real Questions

There are many basic questions that need to be answered: Should a country teetering on the verge of famine and starvation engage in large-scale shady land leads in secrecy and without public discussion? Has Ethiopia become a Crookdom where a small oligarchy of crooks is free to do whatever it wants? Do these land agreements have any validity under international law? What safeguards are in place for the environment and the rights of the indigenous people?

There are some economists who suggest that a country like Ethiopia that is perpetually afflicted by food shortages will eventually explode as in the case of Madagascar. Others plead for implementation of interim measures to protect the local people and ecosystem by some international standards or code of conduct. Still others argue that technologically sophisticated large farms could never work in Africa. They say history shows that such efforts “have often ended with abandoned machinery rusting in the returning bush.” In the long run, it is said, peasant farming will trump advanced commercial farming. What is clear in Ethiopia’s case is that none of these land deals will bring about development of infrastructure or have any significant “spillover effect.” There will be few, if any, schools, hospitals, roads, bridges, rail lines or other lasting structures built as a result of these deals. The only legacy will be more misery and exploitation for the local people and environmental damage. As Ruth Meinzen-Dick, a senior research fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute warned: “The majority of agricultural land in Africa is not titled. If these rights are not respected in these transactions, the livelihoods of millions of people will be put at risk.” In the end, in the petrodollar land swindle, Ethiopians will be stuck holding the bag. An empty bag!

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1 http://wwww.reliefweb.int/rw/RWFiles2009.nsf/FilesByRWDocUnidFilename/KHII-7SE4R4-full_report.pdf/$File/full_report.pdf Read See pp. 40, 41, 62, 78, 79, 80

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The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com

የአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትሕ (አንድነት) ፓርቲ አመራር አባላት፣ በፓርቲው ሊቀመንበር በወ/ት ብርቱካን ሚዴቅሳ ኢፍትሐዊ እስርና በወህኒ ቤትም ባሉበት ኢሰብአዊ አስተሳሰር ሁኔታ ላይ ከእንግሊዙ አምባሳደር ኖርማን ሊንግ ጋር ተወያዩ፡፡

የአመራር አባላቱ ኢንጅነር ግዛቸው ሽፈራው፣ ዶር ኃይሉ አርአያና አቶ አስራት ጣሴ በኤምባሲው ቅጥር ግቢ በመገኘት ከአምባሳደሩ ጋር ባደረጉት ውይይት በቀዳሚነት የተነሳው የወ/ት ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ ጉዳይ ነበር፡፡

ገዢው ፓርቲ፣ ላይ ላዩን ለዓለም አቀፉ ሕብረተሰብ የሚለፍፈዉና በተግብር ግን እየሆነ ያለዉ ዕውነታ ጨርሶ የተለያየ መሆኑን በተጨባጭ አስረድተዋል፡፡ ፍትሕን በተመለከተ ሕግ አውጪም፣ ሕግ ተርጓሚም፣ ሕግ አስፈጻሚም የሆነው ገዢው ፓርቲ፣ «ዴሞክራሲያዊ» የሚለው ሕግ በሀገሪቱ ላይ ጨርሶ እንደሌለና ሕግ ተብሎ የሚነገርለትም ሕግ፣ የሚተረጎመው እንደገዢው ፓርቲ ፍላጎትና እንደሚያስገኝለት ጥቅም ብቻ መሆኑን አብራረተዋል፡፡

ለዚህም እንደ ግልጽ ማስረጃ አድርገዉ ያቀረቡት ፣ የወ/ት ብርቱካንን የወዳጅ ዘመድ የመጠየቅ መብትን በተመለከተ ለፍርድ ቤት ክስ ቀርቦ፣ በጉዳዩ ላይ ፍርድ ቤቱ የመጠየቅ መብታቸው እንዲከበር ዉሳኔ መስጠቱን፣ ወህኒ ቤቱም የፍርድ ቤቱን ትዕዛዝ ተቀብሎ ተግባራዊ ከማድረግ ይልቅ «ፍርድ ቤት ምን አገባው» በሚል ለፍርድ ቤት ዉሳኔ አለመገዛቱን ነበር።

«መሪያችን ለዚህ ግፋዊ የሆነ የቂም በቀል እስር የተዳረጉት ለዕውነት በመቆማቸውና ሰላማዊ የትግል ስልትን በመምረጣቸው ብቻ ነው፡፡ ገዢው ፓርቲ ለሴቶች እኩልነት የቆምኩ ነኝ እያለ ብቸኛ የሴት ፖለቲካ ፓርቲ የሆኑትን ወ/ት ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳን ማሰሩ በአፉ የሚናገረዉና በተግባር ግን የሚሰራዉ፣ በላይ የሚታየዉ ፊቱና በዉስጥ ያለዉ ማንነቱ ፍጹም የተለያዩ መሆናቸዉ የሚገልጥ ነዉ። » ሲሉ ለአምባሳደሩ የገለጡ ሲሆን ወ/ት ብርቱካን የታሰሩበት ዋነኛ ምክንያት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ የመጪውን ምርጫ ሽንፈት አስቀድመው በማወቃቸውና በምርጫ እንዳይሸነፉና በሥልጣን የመቆየት ዘዴ አድርገዉ የወሰዱት፣ ወ/ት ብርቱካንን ማሰር፣ የአንድነት ፓርቲ አባላትን ተስፋ ማስቆረጥ፣ በየክልሉ ያሉ ቢሮዎቻቸውን መዝጋት፣ አመራሮቹን ማጉላላት፣ ማሰቃየትና ማሰር ብቻ መሆኑን በማስረዳት ነበር የወ/ት ብርቱካን መታሰር ከሕግ ጋር ግንኙነት እንደሌለዉና ሙሉ ለሙሉ የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ እንደሆነ ለአምባሳደሩ የገለጹት።

የአንድነት አመራር አባላት ከወ/ት ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ ዉጭ በሌሎች የአንድነት አባላት ላይ የደረሰዉን እንግልት በማስረጃ ሲያቀርቡ፣ በኢሉባቦር የአካባቢው አመራር አባል የሆኑት አቶ ዳንኤል ወ/ገብርኤልን ለ27 ቀናት ታስረዉ እንደተንገላቱ፣ በጎፋ ዞን ቁጫ ወረዳ ዉስጥ የሚኖሩት የአንድ ፋርማሲ ባለቤት አቶ ጌታችዉ ኮይራ «የአንድነት አባል ነህ፣ ሰዎችን ትመለምላለህ» በሚል ፋርማሲያቸዉን ሕገ ወጥ በሆነ መንገድ እንደዘጉባቸዉ፣ አቶ ጋሊቦ የተባሉትን ሌላው የፓርቲ አመራር አባል በምርጫ ቦርድ ለፓርቲው የተሰጠውን ሕጋዊ ፈቃድ ወደ ጎን በመተው፣ «ሳታስፈቅድ ፖለቲካ ታወራለህ፣ ስብሰባ ታካሂዳለህ» በሚል ክስ ማሰቃየታቸዉን የጠቀሱ ሲሆን፣ ምን ያሃል ገዢዉ ፓርቲ ባለዉ ጠመንጃና ካድሬዎቹ በመጠቀም ጠመንጃና ሰላማዊ የሆኑ የአንድነት አባላትንና ደጋፊዎችን እያንገላታ እንዳለ አስረድተዋል።

«በየቦታው የአንድነትን ቢሮ ማሸጋቸዉ፣ ማፍረሳቸዉ፣ አመራሩን ማሰራቸዉ፣ አባላቱን ማሰቃየታቸዉ ሆን ተብሎ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ከምርጫ ተሳታፊነት እንዲወጣ ለማድረግ የሚያደርጉት ተግባር ነው፡፡ ዕውነታው ይህ ሆኖ ሳለ እንዴት ነው ሠላማዊ ትግል በሀገሪቱ ውስጥ ማካሄድ የሚቻለው›› በማለት ለእንግሊዙ ያለዉን ትክክለኛ ሁኔታ አስረድተዋል፡፡

«በሃገሪቱ ላይ ያለው ሁኔታ በመጪው ምርጫ ተሳታፊ ከመሆን እያራቀን ነዉ፡፡ሁሉም ነገር በአንድ ፓርቲ እጅ ባለበትና ሰላማዊ ትግሉ በተዘጋበት፣ የገዢው ፓርቲ ፈላጫ ቆራጭነት ፈጦ በወጣበት፣ መሪያችን በግፋና በጭካኔ በምትሰቃይበት፣ የፖለቲካ ምሕዳሩ በጠፋበት ሁኔታ እንዴት ነው ወደ ምርጫ መግባት የሚቻለው ? ይህ እስካልተስተካከለ ድረስ አሁን ባለበት ሁኔታ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ምርጫውን ለመሳተፍ ይቸግረዋል» በማለት ለአምባሳደሩ አብራርተዋል፡፡

አምባሳደሩም የተነሱት ጉዳዮችን ሁሉ አዳምጠዉ፣ የወ/ት ብርቱካን እስርም ሆነ የመንቀሳቀሳችሁ ችግር፣ እንዳላችሁት አስቸጋሪ ሁኔታ ፈጥሯል፡፡ ሁኔታዎች መሻሻል ይገባቸዋል፡፡ ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር መለስ አነሳባቸዋለሁ። ሁኔታውንም በቅርብ እከታተላለሁ» በማለት ለጉዳዩ ያላቸውን አቋም ለአመራር አባላቱ አረጋግጠዋል፡፡

A Summary of Obang’s Talk in Dallas (Part One)

On Sunday, May 31, 2009, I had the great pleasure of meeting with Ethiopians in Dallas, Texas. I will summarize my talk in two parts; however, before I start my summary, I would like to thank the individuals from the Dejen Le Democracy (Constituency for Democracy) who organized this meeting. Dejen Le Democracy is a human rights organization, located in Dallas, Texas whose members have done a remarkable job in promoting democracy, human rights, justice and equality.

I would like to thank the chairman of Dejen Le Democracy, Ato Tefe Assefa, the vice chairman, Dr. Betru Gebregziabher, and the planning committee, Ato Zewge Kagnew, Ato Girma Negussie; Ato Dejen Asaye; Ato Solomon Abate; Ato Fikre Deresse and Ato Yirga Ansye who not only made this event possible, but also were extremely gracious hosts, providing warm hospitality to me during my visit.

I also want to thank the three wonderful Ethiopians who love their mother country so much that they drove all the way from Houston, an eight-hour drive, to attend this meeting. One of these men, my friend Ato Dula Abdu, is one of the many Ethiopians whom I have only met via email or phone, but who I have never seen face-to-face until this time. What a great opportunity!

Along with brother Dula, was a young Ethiopian man, Bezabeh Gezahegn. He is someone who expressed great interest in the principles of the solidarity movement, endorsing the needed solution as having to come from people at the grassroots level, especially young Ethiopians who are right now are an untapped resource, needing to be brought into the struggle. He explained that the young people do not like politics, but that the Solidarity Movement, with the principles of “humanity before ethnicity” and that “no one is free until all are free,” present another option that will more easily engage the silent majority of the youth because ‘the future belongs to them.”

Another great Ethiopian, Ato Youssef, was the one who drove, driving through the night to reach home in order to work the next morning. He is someone I just met for the first time, but who had kept informed about the work of the SMNE and wanted to be part of it because he loves his country. After Dr. Ato Betru gave me a wonderful introduction, he encouraged the audience by recognizing that they represented the unity we desired because there were people present at the meeting from all the different political groups.

I began my talk with the following question: Why are you and I here today? Is it because of what is going on within the borders of Ethiopia? Is it because of one or more of the following: genocide, massacres, extra-judicial killings, disappearances, torture, systematic rapes, destruction or confiscation of property and livelihood, arbitrary arrests, politicized courts, thousands of political prisoners, land “give- aways” to outsiders (Sudan, Djibouti, etc) while grabbing land from indigenous Ethiopians, the exploitation of natural resources, widespread governmental corruption, oppression and injustice, environmental destruction or one-party control of every sector of society—government, military, communications (Internet, mobile phones, TV, radio, press, etc), economy (contracts, trade agreements, give-away leases of Ethiopian land to non-Ethiopians, banking and finance, private enterprise and investment opportunities, development, education, the arts (music, etc), civic organizations (including high positions in religious organizations), lack of land ownership, agricultural development or available fertilizers unless one is a member of the EPRDF and the domination of most every opportunity for advancement within Ethiopia unless one supported Meles and the EPRDF, causing a huge exodus from Ethiopia?

I could go on and on and I believe the majority of Ethiopians would agree with me—the list of “what is wrong” with Ethiopia is endless. The important question then is—if so many Ethiopians are against this brutal and oppressive regime, how can so many be held captive by so few? Some might say it is because “they” have the “guns” and control the “mighty institutions” of Ethiopia. Others might blame international outsiders whom they see as “propping up” this dictatorship through financial aid, but I would challenge both of these views as being insufficient in explaining what prevents nearly 80 million Ethiopians, in a country that prides itself in never being colonized, from stopping such abuses perpetrated by their own government? Perhaps we need to find some “new tools” and approaches to bring peace, justice, security, civility and opportunity to Ethiopia.

Pulling Out the Supporting Legs of a Dictatorship

I was in Washington DC only two weeks ago when I  met with the renowned and outspoken advocate for Africa, George Ayittey, Professor of Economics at American University in Washington DC, and founder of Free Africa Foundation, an organization dedicated to free Africans from “vampire” dictators who exploit the people.  He told me, “Most Africans do not realize that dictators are standing on a table in order to pretend they are stronger and more powerful than they are in reality. The mistake made by most Africans who are fighting against dictatorships is that they attempt to fight these dictators at that level, while they are propped up by these tables. They will never succeed this way; instead, to overcome such regimes, Africans must pull down the table, leg by leg, by confronting the specific weaknesses and vulnerabilities of these dictatorships. One leg of the Meles regime is already wobbling!

Exposing Meles and the TPLF as Genocideers, Destined for the ICC

One of those legs that has been effectively supporting this dictatorship was the portrayal of Meles Zenawi as a “new breed of African leader,” a reliable partner in the War on Terror and a legitimate representative to the G-20 meeting in the UK this past April. To prevent the collapse of this particular leg of the table, the Meles regime fervently has to “protect its image” by covering up a pattern of systematic perpetration of Ethiopian government sponsored incidents of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and other gross human rights abuses. Opposition groups could talk about injustice, lack of democratic process, suppression of rights and generic human rights abuses without fear of affecting the strength of the table leg, but it becomes a different matter when an internationally respected human rights expert in genocide defines the Anuak massacre as meeting the stringent definition of genocide, when he relates responsibility for it to Meles and his cronies and then requests a formal investigation by the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights! Meles has now suddenly been associated with the likes of Omar al Bashir, Charles Taylor and Slobodan Milosevic, becoming a “genocideer,” destined for the International Criminal Court!

It must have struck a major nerve in this regime for Meles even cancelled his press conference following the G-20 and one month later, Meles supporters, from the government-sponsored website, AigaForum, are trying to do “damage control.” In an effort to free themselves from any responsibility, they are blaming another ethnic group from Gambella, the Nuer and then also blaming the Anuak for committing “genocide” against each other or attributing it to “ethnic conflict.” Interestingly, to do so, they must negate the results of their own Commission of Inquiry done a year after the genocide where they blamed six Oromo soldiers for the massacre of December 13-15, 2003. Instead, in this article, they call it an example of “ethnic conflict.”

Let me show you a video that we in the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia will be sending to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights that was just recently completed.(This video will be posted in the future along with the letter. Following the video presentation, the talk continued.)

The Next Leg of the Table is our own “Village” thinking!

Today, I want to talk about pulling down one of the strongest legs supporting the deception of power and might that is holding up the Meles regime—our own “village”, “tribal” or “regional” thinking which stands in the way of creating a “New Ethiopia”, hospitable for all Ethiopians. This is not something Meles has to do, but it requires our own action! All by itself, it may not be enough to bring Meles down, but without it, we will never succeed in accomplishing our ultimate goals, even if we overcome Meles and the TPLF by other means.  So I ask those of you who are involved in this struggle, “Are you fighting for a “village,” a “tribe,” a “region” or for a country?” I would propose that the reason for our past failure in this struggle is because we have been fighting only for our own “villages! “

As you may see, when I use the word “village”, I mean it to be interchangeable with region, ethnicity, political group, religious group, civic organization or any other subsection of our society whose individual goals are for ego, power, greed and domination over everyone else rather than for strengthening our nation as a whole. A healthy society is one where all who live within its borders can find a hospitable home, rather than whoever is strongest taking all for itself without any care for others who might be weaker or less ruthless. It is similar to the Anuak only fighting to advance the Anuak without caring about their Gambella neighbors—the Nuer, the Mazangir, the Opo, the highlanders, the Komo and so forth. It is like the people of Gambella fighting only for themselves without regard to those in Benishangul-Gumuz, in Oromia, in the Southern Nations, in Afar and so forth. It is like the TPLF supporters of Meles, fighting only for other TPLF Meles supporters rather than for all Tigrayans. It is like Tigrayans fighting only for themselves, forgetting about all other Ethiopians in their villages, region or in the country.

This is small-minded, self-destructive and selfish thinking that will never bring down a leg of the table; neither will it bring about a healthy Ethiopian society after Meles goes. Once we have a better-functioning society, we must broaden our worldview further by caring not only for Ethiopians, but caring about our nation’s neighbors—Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti , Somalia and Kenya. We must seek ways to live in peace, harmony and productive collaboration with them as well as with our global neighbors. Therefore, when I use the term “village,” it refers to all our smaller subsections that are focused on gaining dominance over others rather than on contributing to building a stronger nation that would benefit all Ethiopians.

Fighting for a Village

When we fight for a village what results?

Culture of division with five stages of disintegration

1. Disagree and split: Previous partners fight, disagree or have a falling out and instead of attempting to directly deal with the problem and find solutions, they split, often bad-mouthing the other.
2. Offer no apologies and hold on to resentments: Parties to the conflict take no accountability for the problem or no responsibility in resolving it.
3. Develop parallel structures: In “anti-collaboration,” one or both sides of the split group, starts a new organization with the same goals, duplicating efforts and losing energy and focus on primary objectives by competing with the previous organization, decreasing the probability of collaboration.
4. Suspension of reality: Act as if no problem had occurred, pretending there is no reason to apologize and denying what is in fact, the sabotaging of the efforts of others.
5. Refuse to talk with previous friends, colleagues and supporters: Instead of bringing cohesion and reconciliation, energy is expended in developing “opposition camps” of followers who will “agree” to hold grudges and resentments against those in “enemy” camps. Previous friends stop working together and get caught up in petty battles, causing both groups to lose focus on the greater objectives, allowing Meles to advance his hold, laughing and gloating at the infighting.

How can we proceed in light of this?

Disagreement is part of our human experience and we must find ways to deal with such disagreements in a productive rather than destructive way. So many groups have been created by people wanting to accomplish noble goals; but then, common to our human experience; there is a disagreement or an ego that gets in the way. Instead of working hard towards respecting each other, listening to valid arguments and finding solutions or consensus, those involved become defensive, angry and split. When ego is involved, disagreements simply are a cover for power seeking or stroking one’s ego by having to get credit, attention, power, prestige or simply, “your own way.”

Disclaimer: I am not talking about setting boundaries, which sometimes lead to splits, over important principles. These might be for philosophical, strategic, ethical, moral, practical, logistical or other valid reasons. At these times, such dividing, if done correctly, honestly and civilly, may be exactly the right thing to do; however, within our Ethiopian culture, we have far too many splits and divisions for what appear to be avoidable reasons.

This has made our job very difficult. Following these divisions, people who used to talk to one another and work together, no longer do so. Hatred, competition and the sabotage of each others’ efforts begin and soon, both become greater enemies of each other than of the evil system of the Woyane that they are trying to fight. People problems, differences of opinion and disagreements are part of any human effort. Turf battles can begin, mistakes can be made, tempers can flare, insulting words can be said in the heat of the battle that are later regretted and feelings can be hurt. When parties cannot admit their part, humble themselves and apologize, the seeds of division begin. When secret motives are not openly admitted, but run contrary to the stated goals, inevitably there will be misunderstandings, questions and conflict. Sometimes two or more sides develop competing personally ambitious agendas that are not openly admitted, but undermine the entire organization. Instead of openly discussing the problem, parties deny the existence of such agendas; continuing to advance them—others start their own parallel organization and still others, simply become disenchanted and leave the struggle entirely. Those who have become divided, pretend as if nothing ever happened, making resolution of the differences impossible without a change of attitude.

There will be battles to fight, but we must take care in picking which ones are the important ones—like justice and freedom for all; but instead, our civic, political and religious organizations are broken into two, four or five and spend so much energy fighting that our entire struggle is de-energized. This is one of our core problems. It is as big of an obstacle to overcome as any other and is demonstrated in the way that people do not talk to one another. I can give not just one example, but can come up with a list of countless groups who are divided. Why is it that we can create countless organizations that simply continue to break into pieces?  It is a way to avoid the hard work of listening to each other, considering another’s point of view, giving up our own agenda for self-advancement and working to meet our larger goals. Why is it that a minor disagreement can break up an entire organization? The hurt feelings that make people not talk to each other and only to the people of your own village, has become a leg that is supporting the table on which is standing Meles Zenawi. We can pull out this leg from underneath him or continue a harmless fight against him by fighting for our own small goals, acting as if we are contributing to the betterment of our country, but sadly, the truth is that we are contributing to its disintegration.

To me, bringing Meles down is not something I am worrying about. It will eventually happen for he is like someone standing on a table with four weak legs; however, if that table collapses when we are not talking to one another or cooperating with each other, we will not be ready to find a lasting peace. Finding a lasting peace is something that depends on everybody within the boundaries of Ethiopia; requiring us to reach out and work with diverse groups beyond our own. This is why I am saying we should be fighting for a country, not for a village, a tribe or a region, like Meles is doing. The TPLF was created to liberate a region and a tribe, but if we want to create a lasting peace where none of us will be free until we all are free, then we have to fight for a country and for humanity. “Fighting for a Country” will be covered in Part Two.

May God change our hearts and make us to be people who care about our fellow human beings, fearing Him and obeying His life-giving principles. May God help us to not be selfish in being opportunists or in fighting for only our own tribes, villages and regions, but instead may He help us to stand up for the justice and protection of all his precious people of Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa and all of human kind.

===================================   ======================================

Please do not hesitate to email me if you have comments to: Obang@solidaritymovement.org
]]> http://tanadar.wordpress.com/2009/06/09/finding-new-tools-to-fight-genocide-dictatorship-and-corruption-in-ethiopia/feed/ 0 tana http://tanadar.wordpress.com/2009/06/09/film-producer-flaherty%e2%80%99s-landmark-interview-exposes-zenawi%e2%80%99s-tyranny-words-of-wisdom-for-the-opposition-and-the-diaspora/ http://tanadar.wordpress.com/2009/06/09/film-producer-flaherty%e2%80%99s-landmark-interview-exposes-zenawi%e2%80%99s-tyranny-words-of-wisdom-for-the-opposition-and-the-diaspora/#comments Tue, 09 Jun 2009 18:16:05 +0000 tana http://tanadar.wordpress.com/?p=3 ]]> Selam Beyene, PhD

beyene50@gmail.com

While much has been written and said about the egregious crimes committed by Zenawi, the recent interview of film producer and director Chris Flaherty reported by Foreign Policy Journal’s David Calleja [1,2] is unsurpassed in the clarity, objectivity and boldness with which the brutal nature of the dictator is exposed and his vulnerabilities are laid bare.

The interview, which must be read and discussed by all Ethiopians in the run-up to the 2010 elections and beyond, gives a factual representation of the crimes of the tyrant, the path to be taken by the opposition, the untapped potential role of the Diaspora, and the opportune conditions in the country to replace the ethnocentric regime by a representative government.

The interview is remarkable in its audacious and authoritative articulation of many of the fundamental misconceptions about the ruthlessness and savagery of the crimes committed by the tyrant and the difficulties that have plagued and paralyzed the popular movement over the years. In this paper, we will highlight only a few of the points illuminated so elegantly in the interview, with particular emphasis on:

• The comparability of the human rights records of Zenawi and Mengistu Haile-Mariam.
• The necessity for the Obama administration to unequivocally express its support for Democracy in Ethiopia and to officially denounce of the tyrant’s authoritarian record.
• The need for the opposition to stand in unity and to refrain from thwarting the popular movement.
• The responsibility of the Diaspora to utilize its immense resources and play a more active and constructive role.

In addition to the above, Flaherty, whose much anticipated documentary, “Migration of Beauty,” is being screened in the US, has also made other eloquent remarks about the impact of the Red Terror of the 1970′s on the general psyche of the Ethiopian people, and the imperative to elevate to a national agenda the revulsion and hatred the vast majority of the population have internalized and harbored against Zenawi and his deplorable policies.   

On the Similarities of the Regimes of Mengistu and Zenawi

Many genuine Ethiopians have held for too long the tragic misconception that Zenawi’s brutal regime might be an improvement over that of his predecessor. This belief has contributed in significant ways to the failure of the opposition to rally the entire population against the despot. It has also confused donor nations and groups who have been reluctant to effectively use aid to promote democracy in Ethiopia.

In his interview, Flaherty correctly declared that Zenawi’s regime is a mirror image of Mengistu’s, and indicated that the differences lie only in the manner in which the two brutal dictators achieved their goals of suppressing human rights. As he put it:

“…. if your freedom has been taken away the end result is always the same no matter who takes it away, whether it’s Adolf Hitler, Mao Tse-Tung, Mengistu Haile Mariam or Meles Zenawi. And while … Meles Zenawi has not committed acts as open and obvious as his predecessor Mengistu Haile Mariam, he is still repressing democratic ideas and has committed numerous human rights abuses.”

The establishment of the similarities between the two tyrants is of paramount importance for a number of practical and symbolic reasons.

• First, it will form a legal basis to prosecute Zenawi using the same allegations his kangaroo court has used to sentence Mengistu.
• Second, it will deny the despot international forums that he has shamelessly exploited to conceal his atrocities and gain legitimacy.

Indeed, the crimes committed by Zenawi are among the most heinous in modern history. As reported elsewhere, he has used famine as a weapon of mass repression [3], massacred unarmed civilians [4], and promoted genocide and ethnic cleansing [5].

The Obama Administration Should Denounce Zenawi’s Tyranny

The silence of the Obama Administration on the human rights abuses by Zenawi has been deafening.

An administration that has been hailed for its promise of a foreign policy based on the ideals of the Founding Fathers should not hesitate to send a clear message to the despot that his repressive government is incompatible with the will of the vast majority of the American people.

Flaherty recalled, “[I]t was the Bush Administration that justified dealing with any despotic regime in the name of fighting the war on terror,” and compellingly affirmed:

“This policy has proven to be disastrous for the U.S. …. This is a special time in U.S. history. We stand at a precipice. We are forced to decide who we are as a nation in the eyes of the world. So often we have preached the virtues of democracy and freedom to virtually everyone. And now more than ever we are understandably challenged on those core beliefs. It is my hope that the Obama Administration will understand and adapt our foreign policy with this in mind.”

In his remarks of June 4, 2009 in Cairo, President Barack Obama reiterated [6]:
“But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.”

The Obama Administration need only refer to the reports of its own policy makers to see that the people of Ethiopia are deprived of these human rights by a government that the U.S. has supported for too long. For example, according to the recent 2008 US State Department Human Rights Reports on Ethiopia [7]:

“Human rights abuses reported …included limitations on citizens’ right to change their government in local and by-elections; unlawful killings, torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, usually with impunity; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; police and judicial corruption; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights including illegal searches; use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counterinsurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists; restrictions on freedom of assembly and association; …; and government interference in union activities, including harassment of union leaders.”

So, as Flaherty noted, the preaching of the virtues of democracy and freedom should now give way to credible actions, and the Obama Administration must lead the way by dissociating itself from a criminal government and siding unequivocally with the people.

Toward a Coherent Strategy by the Opposition

In the aftermath of the 2005 elections, opposition leaders demonstrated a costly lack of vision and determination to stand in unison, and to provide leadership to a movement that had the resolution to pay any sacrifice to win freedom from the tyrant.  Zenawi effectively and brutally exploited the lack of organization, decisiveness and commitment to a single cause among the opposition, and squashed once again the aspiration of the people for freedom.

Reflecting the sentiments of many Ethiopians, Flaherty observed:

“Many felt let down and betrayed when the CUDP failed to stand their ground after their arrest in 2005. Many felt that they made deals selling out the cause of democracy and freedom simply to get out of jail. … Like Aung San Suu Kyi,  [Birtukan Midekas's] status could become legendary as long as she remains unwavering in her peaceful struggle for true democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia.”

In a desperate effort to avoid a repeat of the embarrassing defeat he suffered at the polls in 2005, Zenawi has been conducting a multi-pronged campaign characterized by terror, violence and deception. As Flaherty noted:

“…. the party in power has been doing a good job at intimidating any possibility of viable opposition against themselves in 2010. With the re-arrest of … Birtukan Mideksa and the recent announcement by the Ethiopian government that they have launched an investigation against people suspected of overthrowing the government, the prospects look grimmer by the day.”

Flaherty’s observation is corroborated by the US State Department [7] report, which confirmed:

“…. there were numerous credible reports that security officials tortured, beat, or mistreated detainees. Opposition political party leaders reported frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police and regional militias, particularly in the months leading up to the local and by-elections held during the year …. In Makelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa, police investigators reportedly commonly used physical abuse to extract confessions.”

In a campaign of deception, Zenawi has stepped out of his cocoon, and has uncharacteristically been seen crisscrossing the oppressed regions of Central Ethiopia, spreading mind-numbing propaganda and empty promises of fertilizers, electricity and drinking water in return for mandatory votes for his party.

Ironically, the despot has also hinted the possibility of stepping down and continuing his criminal policies indirectly by placing a dummy figure in the office of the Prime Minster. His rhetoric to step down is, at best, a tired tactic that dictators always use to dodge eventual charges for the crimes they have committed while in power, or, at worst, a sinister design on the part of the dictator to deceive and divert the attention of voters in the run-up to the elections.

The dictator knows all too well that he will suffer a devastating loss in any elections in which the people are given a choice. He will, therefore, predictably use all means at his disposal to bar potential opposition, and declare phony victory for outside consumption.

Opposition leaders must take to heart the bitter lessons of the 2005 elections, stand for a common cause, and demonstrate unwavering leadership to the people. Great leaders are distinguished by their determination to fuel the momentum of a movement for a just cause in the face of potential risks to themselves. If opposition leaders are determined to stand with the people, the 2010 elections will undoubtedly mark a turning point in the history of the struggle of the people of Ethiopia for freedom and social justice.

It will, therefore, be a duty of all opposition groups to deprive the tyrant of another election coup by taking decisive and proactive counter measures in the lead up to the elections. More specifically, effective immediately, all genuine opposition leaders and groups should form a united front and:

• Demand the establishment of an independent election board.
• Rally the people in the cities to steadily engage in peaceful demonstrations demanding free and fair elections, even if requests for such demonstrations are rejected.
• Invite international election observers to monitor the situation in the lead up to the elections without any preconditions.
• Demand free access to all means of communication.
• Persistently and vigorously demand the unconditional release of all political prisoners as a requirement for participation in any electoral process.

A Historic Role for the Diaspora

Despite the massacre of innocent civilians, the stealing away of the people’s victory, and the imprisonment of thousands of opposition supporters, the 2005 elections have produced lasting and substantive gains that would stand the test of time.

The elections have exposed the brutality of the despot and have left him with crippling vulnerabilities. 

So that the struggle will continue in 2010 and deliver a final blow to the oppressive regime, the Diaspora has a historic role to act as a catalyst from afar. In particular, the Diaspora should:

• Nudge the Obama Administration to take an unequivocal stand on the side of democracy, and lobby Congress to resurrect and pass a version of HR3000 that the tyrant fought so hard to thwart.
• Influence opposition groups to put their differences aside, and to stand together to deal a final blow to tyranny, ethnocentrism and corruption.
• Resist the temptation to fall for Zenawi’s trap of “homeland investment” and deny him a source of hard currency for his cash-strapped repressive government.

The recently launched Ethiopian National Priorities Consultative Process (ENPCP) [8], as well as the initiatives taken by the various pro-democracy Websites and other advocacy groups, are encouraging developments that should enjoy the full support of the Diaspora. By systematically excluding the vast majority of the population from virtually all vital economic, military and political arenas in the country on ethnic grounds [9], Zenawi’s regime has shamelessly distinguished and alienated itself as the most racist government in the world today.  A minority regime that is thus built on violence, racism, corruption and deception cannot and will not have longevity, and its speedy demise should be a primary concern of all genuine Ethiopians all over the world.

[1] http://www.ethiomedia.com/adroit/2380.html

[2] http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2009/06/03/migration-of-beauty-exposes-risk-of-ethiopian-descent-into-tyranny/

[3] http://www.ethiomedia.com/all/6098.html

[4] http://www.omct.org/pdf/Observatory/2006/report/

[5] http://www.genocidewatch.org/THE%20ANUAK%20OF%20ETHIOPIA.htm

[6] http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/04/us/politics/04obama.text.html

[7] http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2008/af/119001.htm

[8] http://www.enpcp.org/

[9] http://www.ethiomedia.com/adroit/2373.html

Film Producer Flaherty’s Landmark Interview Exposes Zenawi’s Tyranny:  Words of Wisdom for the Opposition and the Diaspora

Selam Beyene, PhD

beyene50@gmail.com

While much has been written and said about the egregious crimes committed by Zenawi, the recent interview of film producer and director Chris Flaherty reported by Foreign Policy Journal’s David Calleja [1,2] is unsurpassed in the clarity, objectivity and boldness with which the brutal nature of the dictator is exposed and his vulnerabilities are laid bare.

The interview, which must be read and discussed by all Ethiopians in the run-up to the 2010 elections and beyond, gives a factual representation of the crimes of the tyrant, the path to be taken by the opposition, the untapped potential role of the Diaspora, and the opportune conditions in the country to replace the ethnocentric regime by a representative government.

The interview is remarkable in its audacious and authoritative articulation of many of the fundamental misconceptions about the ruthlessness and savagery of the crimes committed by the tyrant and the difficulties that have plagued and paralyzed the popular movement over the years. In this paper, we will highlight only a few of the points illuminated so elegantly in the interview, with particular emphasis on:

·         The comparability of the human rights records of Zenawi and Mengistu Haile-Mariam.

·         The necessity for the Obama administration to unequivocally express its support for Democracy in Ethiopia and to officially denounce of the tyrant’s authoritarian record.

·         The need for the opposition to stand in unity and to refrain from thwarting the popular movement.

·         The responsibility of the Diaspora to utilize its immense resources and play a more active and constructive role.

In addition to the above, Flaherty, whose much anticipated documentary, “Migration of Beauty,” is being screened in the US, has also made other eloquent remarks about the impact of the Red Terror of the 1970′s on the general psyche of the Ethiopian people, and the imperative to elevate to a national agenda the revulsion and hatred the vast majority of the population have internalized and harbored against Zenawi and his deplorable policies.   

On the Similarities of the Regimes of Mengistu and Zenawi

Many genuine Ethiopians have held for too long the tragic misconception that Zenawi’s brutal regime might be an improvement over that of his predecessor. This belief has contributed in significant ways to the failure of the opposition to rally the entire population against the despot. It has also confused donor nations and groups who have been reluctant to effectively use aid to promote democracy in Ethiopia.

In his interview, Flaherty correctly declared that Zenawi’s regime is a mirror image of Mengistu’s, and indicated that the differences lie only in the manner in which the two brutal dictators achieved their goals of suppressing human rights. As he put it:

“…. if your freedom has been taken away the end result is always the same no matter who takes it away, whether it’s Adolf Hitler, Mao Tse-Tung, Mengistu Haile Mariam or Meles Zenawi. And while … Meles Zenawi has not committed acts as open and obvious as his predecessor Mengistu Haile Mariam, he is still repressing democratic ideas and has committed numerous human rights abuses.”

The establishment of the similarities between the two tyrants is of paramount importance for a number of practical and symbolic reasons.

·         First, it will form a legal basis to prosecute Zenawi using the same allegations his kangaroo court has used to sentence Mengistu.

·         Second, it will deny the despot international forums that he has shamelessly exploited to conceal his atrocities and gain legitimacy.

Indeed, the crimes committed by Zenawi are among the most heinous in modern history. As reported elsewhere, he has used famine as a weapon of mass repression [3], massacred unarmed civilians [4], and promoted genocide and ethnic cleansing [5].

The Obama Administration Should Denounce Zenawi’s Tyranny

The silence of the Obama Administration on the human rights abuses by Zenawi has been deafening.

An administration that has been hailed for its promise of a foreign policy based on the ideals of the Founding Fathers should not hesitate to send a clear message to the despot that his repressive government is incompatible with the will of the vast majority of the American people.

Flaherty recalled, “[I]t was the Bush Administration that justified dealing with any despotic regime in the name of fighting the war on terror,” and compellingly affirmed:

“This policy has proven to be disastrous for the U.S. …. This is a special time in U.S. history. We stand at a precipice. We are forced to decide who we are as a nation in the eyes of the world. So often we have preached the virtues of democracy and freedom to virtually everyone. And now more than ever we are understandably challenged on those core beliefs. It is my hope that the Obama Administration will understand and adapt our foreign policy with this in mind.”

In his remarks of June 4, 2009 in Cairo, President Barack Obama reiterated [6]:

“But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.”

The Obama Administration need only refer to the reports of its own policy makers to see that the people of Ethiopia are deprived of these human rights by a government that the U.S. has supported for too long. For example, according to the recent 2008 US State Department Human Rights Reports on Ethiopia [7]:

“Human rights abuses reported …included limitations on citizens’ right to change their government in local and by-elections; unlawful killings, torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, usually with impunity; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; police and judicial corruption; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights including illegal searches; use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counterinsurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists; restrictions on freedom of assembly and association; …; and government interference in union activities, including harassment of union leaders.”

So, as Flaherty noted, the preaching of the virtues of democracy and freedom should now give way to credible actions, and the Obama Administration must lead the way by dissociating itself from a criminal government and siding unequivocally with the people.

Toward a Coherent Strategy by the Opposition

In the aftermath of the 2005 elections, opposition leaders demonstrated a costly lack of vision and determination to stand in unison, and to provide leadership to a movement that had the resolution to pay any sacrifice to win freedom from the tyrant.  Zenawi effectively and brutally exploited the lack of organization, decisiveness and commitment to a single cause among the opposition, and squashed once again the aspiration of the people for freedom.

Reflecting the sentiments of many Ethiopians, Flaherty observed:

“Many felt let down and betrayed when the CUDP failed to stand their ground after their arrest in 2005. Many felt that they made deals selling out the cause of democracy and freedom simply to get out of jail. … Like Aung San Suu Kyi,  [Birtukan Midekas's] status could become legendary as long as she remains unwavering in her peaceful struggle for true democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia.”

In a desperate effort to avoid a repeat of the embarrassing defeat he suffered at the polls in 2005, Zenawi has been conducting a multi-pronged campaign characterized by terror, violence and deception. As Flaherty noted:

“…. the party in power has been doing a good job at intimidating any possibility of viable opposition against themselves in 2010. With the re-arrest of … Birtukan Mideksa and the recent announcement by the Ethiopian government that they have launched an investigation against people suspected of overthrowing the government, the prospects look grimmer by the day.”

Flaherty’s observation is corroborated by the US State Department [7] report, which confirmed:

“…. there were numerous credible reports that security officials tortured, beat, or mistreated detainees. Opposition political party leaders reported frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police and regional militias, particularly in the months leading up to the local and by-elections held during the year …. In Makelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa, police investigators reportedly commonly used physical abuse to extract confessions.”

In a campaign of deception, Zenawi has stepped out of his cocoon, and has uncharacteristically been seen crisscrossing the oppressed regions of Central Ethiopia, spreading mind-numbing propaganda and empty promises of fertilizers, electricity and drinking water in return for mandatory votes for his party.

Ironically, the despot has also hinted the possibility of stepping down and continuing his criminal policies indirectly by placing a dummy figure in the office of the Prime Minster. His rhetoric to step down is, at best, a tired tactic that dictators always use to dodge eventual charges for the crimes they have committed while in power, or, at worst, a sinister design on the part of the dictator to deceive and divert the attention of voters in the run-up to the elections.

The dictator knows all too well that he will suffer a devastating loss in any elections in which the people are given a choice. He will, therefore, predictably use all means at his disposal to bar potential opposition, and declare phony victory for outside consumption.

Opposition leaders must take to heart the bitter lessons of the 2005 elections, stand for a common cause, and demonstrate unwavering leadership to the people. Great leaders are distinguished by their determination to fuel the momentum of a movement for a just cause in the face of potential risks to themselves. If opposition leaders are determined to stand with the people, the 2010 elections will undoubtedly mark a turning point in the history of the struggle of the people of Ethiopia for freedom and social justice.

It will, therefore, be a duty of all opposition groups to deprive the tyrant of another election coup by taking decisive and proactive counter measures in the lead up to the elections. More specifically, effective immediately, all genuine opposition leaders and groups should form a united front and:

·         Demand the establishment of an independent election board.

·         Rally the people in the cities to steadily engage in peaceful demonstrations demanding free and fair elections, even if requests for such demonstrations are rejected.

·         Invite international election observers to monitor the situation in the lead up to the elections without any preconditions.

·         Demand free access to all means of communication.

·         Persistently and vigorously demand the unconditional release of all political prisoners as a requirement for participation in any electoral process.

A Historic Role for the Diaspora

Despite the massacre of innocent civilians, the stealing away of the people’s victory, and the imprisonment of thousands of opposition supporters, the 2005 elections have produced lasting and substantive gains that would stand the test of time.

The elections have exposed the brutality of the despot and have left him with crippling vulnerabilities. 

So that the struggle will continue in 2010 and deliver a final blow to the oppressive regime, the Diaspora has a historic role to act as a catalyst from afar. In particular, the Diaspora should:

·         Nudge the Obama Administration to take an unequivocal stand on the side of democracy, and lobby Congress to resurrect and pass a version of HR3000 that the tyrant fought so hard to thwart.

·         Influence opposition groups to put their differences aside, and to stand together to deal a final blow to tyranny, ethnocentrism and corruption.

·         Resist the temptation to fall for Zenawi’s trap of “homeland investment” and deny him a source of hard currency for his cash-strapped repressive government.

[1] http://www.ethiomedia.com/adroit/2380.html

[2] http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2009/06/03/migration-of-beauty-exposes-risk-of-ethiopian-descent-into-tyranny/

[3] http://www.ethiomedia.com/all/6098.html

[4] http://www.omct.org/pdf/Observatory/2006/report/

[5] http://www.genocidewatch.org/THE%20ANUAK%20OF%20ETHIOPIA.htm

[6] http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/04/us/politics/04obama.text.html

[7] http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2008/af/119001.htm

[8] http://www.enpcp.org/

[9] http://www.ethiomedia.com/adroit/2373.html